A CRITICAL VIEW OF GENDER AND TERRITORIAL DYNAMICS IN RURAL DEVELOPMENT: EXPERIENCES FROM A REGIONAL STUDY, DEPARTMENT OF CHALATENANGO EL SALVADOR.

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A CRITICAL VIEW OF GENDER AND TERRITORIAL

DYNAMICS IN
RURAL DEVELOPMENT
:

EXPERIENCES FROM A REGIONAL STUDY,
DEPARTMENT OF CHALATENANGO EL SALVADOR
.






Photo: Maritza Florian













Master´s thesis, 30 ECTS

Human Ecology Division, CPS
P
rogram

Author:

Maritza Florian

Supervisor:

Susan Paulson

Term (of defense):

Spring
-
11



1


Department:

Human
Ecology

Address:

Geocentrum 1

Solvegatan 12

223 62 Lund

Sweeden


Phone:

046
-
222 8690


Supervisor:

Prof
es
s
or Susan Paulson


Tit
le

and Subtitle:

A Critical View Of Gender And Territorial Dynamics In Rural
Development: Experiences From A Regional Study,
Department Of
Chalatenango El Salvador.


Author:

Maritza Florian

Examination:

Master thesis



Term of defense:

Spring
-
2011


Abstract:


With this thesis I contribute with critical and applied research that challenges
empirically and theoretically the
naturalization of research categories regarding
gender within the different frameworks of development studies. In this study, I
investigate

initiatives to incorporate

gender

considerations

in
to

a project I
collaborated
with
in Chalatenango, El Salvador. Thi
s project was conceived within a
'new' Rural Development framework postulated by a large research network
coordinated by RIMISP, a Chilean NGO that does research in rural territorial
dynamics in Latin America.


I analyze gender from a hist
orical, as well
as ethnographic
-

perspective in order to
build a re
-
conceptualization of gender analysis in a rural development research
project. I critically reflect on the evolution of gender categories in order to identify
the driving factors that historically have enh
anced or inhibited the development of
this analytical category. Considering and addressing the identified blind spots in
some approaches to
gender studies, I developed and implemented a proposal to
apply gender analysis to the case study in El Salvador. Fo
r the case study
,

I included
actors who are not included in regular categories of various development studies,
and I also used concrete methodological tools to build up a solid gender conscious
analysis.



The results of the thesis showed that gender syst
ems have considerable influence in
the territory in El Salvador due to them being determined by and in turn affecting
the economic, social and environmental dynamics. These dynamics are land use,
access to credits, access to technology and knowledge amongs
t others. Another


2

important finding was the identification of specific constraints on some of the
sources of crucial information for understanding regional dynamics.



2





Acknowledgements


First of all I would
like to thank

my family who
is always

there
, supporting

m
e in
every project I undertake,
to them all my gratitude.


This study would not have been possible without the company and the advice of my
supervisor Dr. Susan Paulson. Thanks to her I had the oppor
tunity to explore a field
of knowledge as complex and yet
exciting,

as
is gender
. Thank you

Susan for your
devoted
guidance.


Thanks to my friends and
colleagues

from the gender group.

B
runo, Teresa, Rafa,
and Carina, t
his
experience would not have been as

rewarding as it was without
your

inputs

and your support
throughout

bord
ers. Special thanks to Carina, you
know
,

for

everything about everything!



I also want to thank
the wonderful
group of resea
rchers from
Prisma

foundation in

El Salvador. I was fortun
ate to work with great people who made this experience
truly enriching both academically and personally. Thanks to all, especially to Ileana
Gomez, Rafael Cartagena and Silvia Gutierrez.


Research for

t
his document was supported by the Rural Territorial Dynamics
Program, implemented by Rimisp in several Latin American countries in
collaboration with numerous partners. The program has been supported by the
International Development Research Center (IDRC,
Canada) and
The New Zealand
Aid Programme (NZ
-
AID)
.





















3











Table of Contents


1.

Introduction

................................
................................
................................
.....................

4

2.

Description of the territory

................................
................................
..........................

8

3.

Research methodology: research instruments developed and app
lied

..............

12

3.1.

Primary data: generation of gender sensitive information

............................

12

3.1.1.

Livelihood workshops

................................
................................
......................

13

3.1.2.

Survey about gender in the local councils CACH and CIHCG

.................

14

3.2.

Secondary data

................................
................................
................................
........

14

4.

Theoretical framework of study

................................
................................
.................

14

4.1.

Gender and development: frameworks and positioning gender
..................

15

4.1.1.

Feminist theory

................................
................................
................................
..

17

4.2.

Gender mainstreaming, institutions and prevalent research categories

.....

19

4.3.

Reproduction of
prevalent research categories: critique of institutions and
resisting hegemonic concepts

................................
................................
........................

22

4.4.

Separation between productive and reproductive activities

.........................

25

4.4.1.

Historical roots of the dichotomies: nature/socio economic system,
production/reproduction

................................
................................
............................

25

4.5.

Gender in geography: rural territorial approach

................................
..............

28

5.

Results and discussion

................................
................................
................................
.

31

5.1.

Visualization of territorial gender dynamics in investigation

......................

31

5.2.

Gender dynamics in production systems in the northern river bank of
humedal Cerrón Grande

................................
................................
................................
.

34

5.2.1.

Profile of people in cattle farming

................................
................................
..

34

5.2.2.

Profile of people involved with fishery

................................
.........................

37

5.2.3.

Diversification of activ
i
ties and charac
teristics of the territory

.................

40

5.3.

Mobilization of knowledge in gender territorial dynamics
: gender and
DTR in the local coalitions discourse.

................................
................................
..........

42

5.3.1.

Considerations for the strengthening of processes and actors

...................

44

6.

Conclusions

................................
................................
................................
....................

45

7.

References

................................
................................
................................
.......................

44

8.

Appendices

................................
................................
................................
.....................

47




4

Critical view of Gender and
territorial dynamics in Rural Development:
Experiences from a Regional Study, Department of Chalatenango El Salvador
.



Introduction

1.

With this thesis I attempt to recognize and describe a rural territory in terms of
gender within a framework of ‘new’
rural development
.
Additionally, I
illustrate
the
relevance of using gender as an analytical category in development studies, by
examining the historical relationship between gender and development, and the
significance of this relationship in terms of cul
ture, power and sustainability.


This thesis is divided in five sections; beginning with a description of the territory
and the justification of the research, followed by the
methods, then the
theoretical
framework which is further divided in four section
s: gender and development,
gender mainstreaming, separation between productive and reproductive activities
and concluding with gender and geography. This last section includes the case study
of a territory in

El Salvador, and
the
results

section is

based o
n this case study. To
conclude I weave together practical and theoretical considerations in the discussion
and conclusion.



This thesis emerges from my time as an intern i
n an environmental NGO
called
Prisma

in El Salvador where
I participated in a study
titled, “Rural Territorial
Dynamics in the Northern River Bank of
Cerrón Grande Wetlands
, Chalatenango.”
This study attempted to include gender as an analytical category within the research,
however, it did not explicitly apply a gender
-
orientated analysis
. This
lack of a deep
and general conceptual framework that recognizes and considers gender systems
appears all t
oo often in development studies. E
ven though many studies argue that
they i
nclude gender considerations or
gender co
mponents in their analysis,
they do
not thoroughly

implement a
deep and
detailed gender analysi
s. One can then
wonder what

it means to implement gender analysis, and why it is relevant to
research gender in rural territorial dynamics or development in gene
ral?



5


Another query
, if gender is so important, why do development projects working
under a development framework with an emphasis in economic/ecological/socio
-
cultural balance such

as the one proposed by
Prisma

are not implementing a
deep


5

and
detailed gender analysis from the begin
ning of the studies? I address

these
questions in the theoretical section of the thesis. These questions are not new, and
they have been widely discussed by various scholars; feminist
, Marxist feminist and
poststructuralist, amongst others (Fernandez 1994, 4). The discussion addresses a
broad range of factors, from epistemology to economical, ecological and political
implications of gender categories throughout history.


This thesis i
s relevant
not only because it emphasizes
the contextualization of gender,
but because it provides a series of methodological tools that contribute to the
systematization of a gender perspective for use in rural development studies
.

This
systematization proves essential

since

most of the current development programs
are
required

to
examine

gender

as part of their analysis
.

Howeve
r,
considerations
are
often shallo
w

and narrow,
sub estimating

or ignoring
the impact of gender
(intention
ally or not)
.

Thus,

t
hese methodological tools will help
to
guide a more
thorough approach to gender analysis
.

Ad
d
itionally, when approaching a study
through
the perspective of
gender, power relations exercised by institutions
,

both
influenced by and influencing people’s access to and use of various types of capital,
becomes central
.



Th
rough the thesis I will refer to the
s
e

relationships and interactions between men
and women shaped
by socio
-
cultural factors and im
merse
d

in power relationships
as
gender dynamics
.

Gender
is

a

determinant
in the allocation of political, social, and
economic reso
urces (Fernandez
1994,
2)
.

T
here

is also

a tendency in current rural
development studies to implement a gender component to their po
licies and
programs
(
Bernadette 2010,
70
)
.

B
oth policies and programs have implications in
the
cultural, politic
al
, geographic, economic and environmental traits of rural territories
.



One
focus of this thesis is to show the benefits of using gender as an

analytic
category

in studying
the
dynamics of culture, power and sustainability
.

One of the
advantages of implementing a gender perspective in development studies is that it
complements information

in conventional studies

and
provides
a more complex


6

arran
gement of actors
.

For instance, many studies and projects are limited to
activities deemed

as

‘productive’, and amongst the
se

the institutionalized

activities
,
such as formal employment
.

Several scholars as one of the drivers of gender
constraints have
identified the productive and reproductive separation
. Other
scholars define

this separation
, as the trigger of the current economic and
environmental crisis, since the reproductive
capacities and contributions

of nature
, as
well as those of certain social

groups,

have been widely ignored or assumed as
constant under
standard

economic rationale (
Biesecker and Hofmeister 2010, 1703
)
.

Thus, I made a notable effort in collecting and presenting information that take
s

into
account both
the
productive and reprodu
ctive activities of the population, since they
are crucial factors in the social, economic environmental
, and sustainability

dynamics
of each territor
y.



In the case
of El Salvador
,
I worked with the
organization
Prisma
, who

showed
interest
in pursuing
the application of a gender analysis to their study.

T
ogether
we
developed an analysis of rural territorial dynamics from a gender perspective
titled
“Gender and Rural Territorial Dynamics in the Northern River Bank of
Cerrón
Grande Wetlands
, Chalatenango”
.

T
his study

resulted in

several methodological
lessons that showed how
,

when applying

more accurate and gender sensitive
tools
and analysis,

it is possible to
identify

the

roles
and activities
that
the different actors
play
in the territorial dynamics
.

T
he arrangement of these
roles

and activities

constitute
s

the territorial

gender system.


T
o

successfully

describe the livelihoods of people in the territory

the

physical
landscape, economic, cultural and political spheres must be taken into

consideration.
This is important
since
a
change
in the
livelihood
s

of the people are directly linked to
changes in the
different
traits of the territories

and vice
-
ver
sa
.

These
changes create
differential access and use of the different capitals in the te
rritory for its various
inhabitants
.

Th
erefore
,

i
n the Northern riverban
k of the
Cerrón Grande Wetlands

,
in
collaboration with the group of researche
r
s from
Prisma

we

were able to
visualize



7

the
s
e

differences

for the people involved in fishery, livestock
and agriculture
.

These,

thanks to the analysis of rural territorial dyn
amics with a gender perspective.


The
Cerrón Grande Wetlands

is an importa
nt
territory in El Salvador
because of it is

type of
ecosystem, its

associated economic activities, and its current infrastructural
transformations. I
t is home

to

projects of national interest such as a hydroelectric

(power plant)
and an important highway

that will connect El Salvador with
Honduras and Guatemala
.

T
he t
h
ree

main single activiti
es in the territory
are fishery,
agriculture and cattle farming
.

Furthermore
,
the territory
has
important local
counc
ils
that aim to represent the interest of the community and
are in constant
search of tools that allow them to have

substan
tial
impact

in the territory
(f
urther
description of the territory, 8
-
11)
.

Thus, i
n order to understand

the socio
-
ecologic
systems and the coalitions in the territory
I addressed th
e following research
questions that

are
answered in the section of
results and discussion
.




What are the
main

characteristics of

gender

systems

of
the Northern
River Bank of
Cerrón Grande Wetlands

in terms of access and use of natural
resources
within the predominant productive regimes that sustain

the
territory

economically
?




What methods and concepts

can

help identify and analyze

gender
through
research
in order to
reveal
patterns of access and use of natural
resources
within the productive regimes
that sustain the
territory?





How can knowledge of gender dynamics in the
territory
of
Chalat
enango be mobilized to add to the
development of successful regional
dynamics?


In the following section, I will describe
t
he territory in question
-

taking into account
a historical perspecti
ve on
the contribution of gender analysis to development
studies focused on rural territories.
My intention is hereby to locate the case study


8

within a critical analysis of development and gender frameworks.


Description of

the territory
1

2.

The study
,
“Gender and Rural Territorial Dynamics in the Northern River Bank of
Cerrón Grande Wetlands

was conducted

by
Prisma

in the department of
Chalatenango
, whi
ch is a key location of

economic activity in El Salvador
.

The
importance of the Cerrón

Grande wetland is due to its role as a provider of
ecosystem services and also because of the ongoing construction of the Longitudinal
del Norte Highway (CLN), which is an important connectivity point in Central
America.


T
his study is part of the progra
m
rural territorial dynamics DTR
advanced

by the
Latin American Center for Rural Development (RIMISP)
.

Thus
,

the concept of rural
territory was based upon

DTR
’s
definition
.



Although territories can be considered to exist at different scales, they need t
o be
both large enough to have a critical mass of sustainable economic activities, but small
enough to offer some sort of collective sense of identity, with geographically and
socially accessible institutions; i.e. in practice they are likely to be supra
-
m
unicipal
(except where municipalities are very large) but sub
-
regional or sub
-
provincial
(except where regions or provinces are relatively small) in size. Territories thus may
or may not, correspond to existing administrative units of government.” (Rural
T
erritorial Dynamics
,

2007)


The study area consists of seven municipalities in the department of Chalatenago:
Tejutla, El Paraíso, Santa Rita, Chalatenango, Azacualpa, San Luis del Carmen and
San Francisco Lempa
.

They are part of the northern riverbank of
the wetland Ce
rr
ó
n
Grande

(
See
Fig 1)
.






1

The description of the territory is
based upon:

Ileana Gómez y Rafael Cartagena


Dinámicas socio ambientales y productivas en la zona
Norte de El Salvador
,”

D
ocumento de Trabajo N° 67 (
Santiago, Chile
.,

Programa
Dinámicas Territoriales Rurales
.

Rimisp, 2
011).




9

According to the 2007 Census, the population of the seven municipalities of the
Chalatenango territory was 66.782 people. The economically active population (EAP)
was 18.227 people (34% of the population) of which 1
1.397 (27%) worked in the
tertiary sector, and 4.459 (7%) worked in the agricultural sector. Therefore, the third
category sector had the greatest number of people in the EAP, however it has not the
greatest number of people per single activity. The most s
ignificant single activities in
the territory are farming, fishing and cattle farming, these are the productive systems
that I analyze in this study.


This region faces considerable challenges due to the development projects that take
place in this region
. The wetland is of great importance as a provider of ecosystem
services, as it is the site of the largest hydroelectric plant in the country. Additionally,
the construction of the CLN alters economic, social and environmental dynamics. In
terms of local i
mpact, these development plans affect land use and the productive
activities mentioned above.
























10
















Figure No 1
:
Map of the territory
, adapted

from
Ileana Gómez y Rafael Cartagena


Dinámicas socio ambientales y productivas
en la zona Norte de El Salvador,”

D
ocumento de Trabajo N° 67 (
Santiago, Chile
, Rimisp,
2011),
7
.



Due to plans
for

the extension of the

CLN, the territory faces new
challenges
including

land

prices
speculation and

changes in

land use
.

These challenges generate
conflict in the Chalatenago territory because the wetland provides ecosystem
services, and both economic and
sustenance

activities.


In
1976 arable land in the Chalatenago territory was transformed into the biggest
(
135 km2
)
hydroelectric plant in El Salvador. This change produced the artificial
wetland
,

which has now become an important part of both the social and economic
structure of this territory.

T
he wetland is a permanent wat
er body
that
has become
an

important provider

of
ecosystem services. I
t supplies
energy to the country and
supports a great variety of plants and animals that have adapted to the wetland
conditions.
Additionally, the wetland’s
fluctuating land
-
water margins
sustains
vital
economical and sustenance activities for the
local population
such as agriculture,
shepherding

and fishery.


The management of land in the territory is complicated by the fact that the
municipalities have neither regulativ
e instruments nor existing l
and
-
use plans for the
territory. This often leads to conflicts between farmers, stockbreeders, and fishers


11

who engage in disputes over the fluctuating lands.
With little regulation,
the
fluctuating lands can be used without supervision, enhancing degradati
on and
pollution of the soil. For example,
when
these lands are covered by water, fishers use
them while they are flooded, but
farmer’s fences often damage their fishing nets
.
This is an example of conflicting land
-
use strategies over time/space in cyclica
l
ecosystems. In addition to the problems generated by the lack of regulation over
these lands, recent natural phenomena like the tropical storm Agatha also threaten
the productive activity of the territory. The most affected are farmers and
stockbreeders
in the bordering zones of the wetland, due to flooding and the
resultant loss of the crops cultivated in these zones (Gómez
,

Ileana 2010).


Chalatenango is constantly challenged to balance environmental sustainability and
economic growth, which has become
a
central paradox
.

In addition
,

th
is

community
will also be challenged to adapt to the effects of climate change
.



As a response to the
above mentioned
pressures
, environmental social forums have
been created, including
,
C
halatenago's environmental commit
tee (CACH) which
i
n
turn, has a
sub

division

of CACH
; The Interinstitutional Committee of the
Cerrón
Grande Wetlands

(CIHCG)
.

T
hey both
deal with
topics related to the wetland
.


Both the CACH and the CIHCG are consolidated

forums

that have recognition and
acceptance in some sectors of the population, especially in the fishing sector (
obs
.

Personnel
)
.

T
he
se committees

are in constant search of tools that

allow them to have
a
substantial i
mpact

o
n the territory
.

T
h
e
s
e

forums

and
/or
social movements
respond
to
an
d

are
involved

in
development initiatives
.

A
ccording to Escobar (1999) social
movements can reorient development in a more
s
ustainable
a
nd locally appropriate

direction
that is
cultu
r
al
ly, socially and economically

sensitive

(
Escobar 1999,
1)
.

Thus,

it is important

to stimulate and
support
awareness and

propagation of more
positive gender dynamics

in these environmental forums.

The first step

that we took

towards
a

holistic
study of the productive and reproductive dynamics of
th
is
territory

was
to identify the role that small producers and other local actors
, such as


12

students, pensioners or ‘house wives’
play in these dynamics
.

M
aking
visib
le

th
e
s
e
a
ctor
s

helps
to
guarantee an increase

the
ir

participation
, in the configuration
of the
models of
production that

better adapt to the complexity of the current
socioeconomic and environmental panorama of the territory
.



Research methodology: research instruments developed and applied

3.


This thesis emerged from my experience as an intern with the Latin American Center
for Rural Development (RIMISP) and Prisma foundation in El Salvador. Prisma is
one out if of the 19 partners, from 11 nations in Latin America that participate in the
progra
m DTR developed by RIMISP. DTR aims to identify policies that are more
comprehensive and holistic than conventional development studies and encourages
processes such as "economic growth, poverty reduction, greater equality and
responsible environmental gov
ernance" (
Rimisp 2010
).


I worked for the Prisma foundation for a period of three months (June
-
August 2010),
where I used Prisma’s methods of research in the territory as a template will I
expanded upon by developing extra tools that allowed us to gather f
urther gender
sensitive information. Prisma participates in and mediates local councils in the
territory. They conduct workshops within the productive sector, fishery, cattle
farming and agriculture in order to make livelihood analyses. The tools I
impleme
nted in order to help provide consistent information for gender analyses
include: (1) the design of tools to gather gender sensitive information at livelihood
workshops (2) a survey about gender for use in the local councils, CACH and
CIHCG.

3.1.

Primary data:
generation of gender sensitive information


With the information obtained in the livelihood workshops, I contributed to the
analysis of productive activities that had been previously limited to the economic
indicators such as the EAP. This methodological
strategy of triangulate discursive
and official information provides important raw material to build a more thorough
gender analysis.



13

3.1.1.

Livelihood workshops

Group work


2
Together with researchers from Prisma
, I worked with local workshop participants,
in groups of men and women,
using associated facilitators for each group
to reduce
the

risk of people being uncomfortable talking to men or respectively women. The
group sessions were opened with a discussion of

the following question: what do we
do for a living? From this question, participants identified up to three types of
livelihood per group. For each type of livelihood, we identified both productive and
reproductive activities by asking about the use of na
tural, social and economic
resources and assets, and about the institutions that govern such use, arrange access
and support development. We also identified the constraints associated with each
activity. The information was gathered in a matrix. In additio
n, we carried out semi
-
structured interviews with each group to inquire about these issues. The facilitators
of each group systematized the information.

Plenary


At the end of the workshops all the participants gathered in plenary in order to
define a sch
edule of activities for both men and women. Here we mapped out
activities related to fisheries and cattle farming and defined who carried out each
activity. For upcoming workshops, we think it would be beneficial to produce a more
detailed calendar of even
ts that more accurately capture the practices of both men
and women their related discourses and meanings. A tool that could be more
sensitive to gender visions might include the separation of men and women when
defining the calendar rather than during the

plenary stage. Additionally, it would be
useful to include a detailed schedule and description of daily activities in the
calendar, including what

resources and assets were used







2

I
n

the
Appendix (nr 1),

I include an outline of the methodology used for livelihood
workshops carried out with fishermen and farmers



14




3.1.2.

Survey about gender in the local councils CACH and
CIHCG



I explored h
ow gender was understood in the multi
-
actor spaces of the territory by
developing a survey
3

inquiring about the gender perceptions of participants. This
was an electronic survey directed to all the members of the
steering committee
of the
CICH and CACH.
Out of fifteen members, five completed the survey. The survey
inquired about what gender means in these spaces, how the issue of gender has been
addressed and what suggestions could complement and promote gender positive
relations?

3.2.

Secondary data


I carrie
d out the research for the thesis in the frame of a larger interdisciplinary study
“Rural Territorial Dynamics in the Northern River Bank of Cerrón Grande Wetlands,
Chalatenango” carried out by the Prisma foundation. The report from this study was
the main

source of information regarding the description of the territory.


I also used the 2007 National Census for El Salvador to obtain local statistical
material for this study. I have also revised written material from the CACH and
organizational documents f
rom Prisma and the ministry of environment of El
Salvador.


Theoretical f
ramework of study

4.

Gender as a category

first

appeared in development programs

in
the 70s with a peak
in
its use in
the 90s
.

H
owever
,

development initiatives
have always
had an impact on
gender systems
.

That is why before presenting the gender analysis proposed for the



3

Original survey can be found in the
appendix # 2



15

case study i
n El Salvador, I emphasize

the distinct
ion
between
gender as an explicit
institutional
consideration
,

and gender conceived
as an omnipresent
social
phenomenon
.

The lat
ter

conception contemplates that gender is constantly
transformed and transforming territorial dynamics

while the former tends to
establish static categories
.

Theories I draw on contribute to
potential

re
position
ing

of
gender as a
n analytical category in development studies
.

Thus,
I
present

a theoretical
approach
consisting of
four sections

which contribute to this

:

1) Gender and
d
evelopment: frameworks and positioning gender, 2) Gender mainstreaming,
institutions and p
revalent research categories,
3)
Separation
between productive and
reproductive activities, and finally 4) Gender and geography
.

4.1.


Gender and
d
evelopment:
f
rameworks and positioning gender



To understand the role that gender has play
ed

in development studies it is necessary
first
to understand the history of their relationship. To do this I will describe the
relationship between development and gender, for groups of men and women,
from
the perspective of
global north practitioners
.

E
con
omics

and capital
also
influence
the
concept of development,

especially in the
so
-
called

“business of international
deve
lopment” period from 1960
-
2011
and
shape social

structures
including

the
division of labo
r, politics, technology inputs,
and
funding
.

Consequently,
state,
capital and development transfo
rm gender and ethnic identities thus reconverting
local
territories, e
conomies and cultures (Escobar
2010, 91)
.

All these factors have
been mediating the relation amongst developed and developing countries until now
.



The concept of
international developme
n
t
first evolved in the 40s
and was
associated
with economic growth and ca
pital expansion (Fernandez 1994,
2)
.

At the time,
concepts of underdevelopment where related

to certain
intrinsic characteristics

of
geographical regions
.

For instance, machismo was a
characteristic

attributed to Latin
America, and part of the explanation for underdevelopment
,

according
to F
ernandez
(1994) ‘Underdevelopment, poverty and economic and political stagnation were
conceived as the effect of men’s inability to control their sexual proclivities and
women’s ample

interest in procreation’ (ibid,
3)
.

As a response, to

this logic fertili
ty


16

rates beca
me a mayor concern amongst development scholars and policy makers
of

this

epoch
.



Subsequently, in the 50s the differences
between
the

rich and powerful countries
and
poor countries were
even more
accentuated as well as binary categories such
as
development/underdevelopment
.

T
hese dichotomies were the
prime material
for
development studies
.



In
the 60’s modernization theories pr
oposed

the
transference of economic, politic
al

and cultural norms

from

the

global north to
the global
south

as the ‘solution’ for
underdevelopment
.

The belief
that “underdeveloped” countries have simply not yet
adopted the necessary (and inevitable) characteristics that will lead them forward

still exists and has a strong in
fluence today. These beliefs include the adoption of
western
-
type institutions, literacy, “hard work”, industrialization, etc. Development
was about “helping them move forward.”

Modernization was conceived by
disciplines such as political science, and econ
omics with the idea that Latin America
had t
o approximate to Unites States
and Western Europe or on the contrary they will
suffer violent revolutions
(Black

1998
,
5)
.



A decade
later
, the national liberation movements throughout the third word
cr
iticized
faith in modernity, m
ainly because this pro
gressive belief reinforces

de
pendency on developed countries
.

T
his is known as
the
dependency theory
(Fernandez 1994,
4)
.

As
a
counter explanation, theories of dependency and unequal
exchange emerged, which states
that underdevelopment can be attributed to the
exploitative relation of the global north vers
e

the

global

south. Development of the
north
was considered to be the reason the global south was
into underdevelopment.

I
n the 70s, the wor
l
d system perspective
arose as an attempt to incorporate the
particularities of geopolitical regions that were not considered i
n

dependency theory
.

T
his decade theorist emphasized in social and economic democrac
y and new kinds
of nationalism (Tainter
2007
,361)
.





17

In the
80s the

political
environment

of the epoch
,

such as the collapse of the Soviet
Union and the end of the Cold War
,

triggered the development ideal of
postindustrial

soci
eties
.

These conditions brought again

faith in technology for
developing countries, and science and innovation for advance
d nations
.

T
hese ideals
came with a new international division of l
abo
r and the triumph of neoliberalism
suppressing all contending paradigms until the end of the century
(Fernandez
1994,5, Black 2010,
5)
.



The new international division of labor was characterized by lowering production
costs
by relocating production
to

less dev
eloped countries
.
This encouraged

the
proletari
ani
zation of these countries
, and

an increasing reliance on women

as
providers of low
-
cost labor
.

In many parts of Latin America, l
abor

conditions
, job
security,

and welfare also deteriorated
with

the
increasing trends of privatization
(
Paulson et al
.

2010,
7)
.

As a consequence of this
rapid introduction of new labor
regimes
and the incursion of neoliberal policies, men and women
’s
roles
i
n society
experienced abrupt transformations, especially in Latin America where the neoliberal
impacts where
greatest due to this
relocation of

product
ion

(Harvey 2005
,
154)
.

F
or
the first time gender was formally perceived as a key variable in industrial
restructuring
.

Therefore, gender
emerged

a necessary concept in deve
lopment
agendas (Fernandez 1994,
5)
.

4.1.1.

Feminist theory


Most feminist and
development theories have their roots in the West
ern ideology
,
t
hus
most
theoretical knowledge arose
from the perspective of global north
practitioners
. However,

the

h
is
tory of

gender
-
and
-
development theo
ries were
also part of historical

policy interventions in developing countries
,
so it was also
analyzed and critiqued from the perspective of the global south.


Together with trends
in
politic
s and
economic
s

and
their associated
repercussions
in
the developing world
, the role
s

of men and women w
ere

constantly modified
through the decades

with variations across regions and contexts
.

Feminist theory,


18

and specifically feminist history and economics, developed to address
t
hese

modifications
.

In Latin America women became a part of
the productive sector
through their involvement in various development projects in the 1980s.
Gender
continued to be an issue based on the need
to
‘include’
women
in development
.

T
hese efforts are the first step (1980s)
and
w
ere

practiced trough the framework
of ‘Women In Development’ (WID) resulting in the now infamous ‘add
-
women
-
and
-
stir’ programs

(
Mcllw
aine and

Dat
ta 2003,
370
).



As a response to

the ‘grand universalizing theories’ of the
mid 20
th

century
, the
intellectual currents of postmodernism
interacted with

the rise o
f

the

feminist
theory (Beneria 1995,
1841)
.

The postmodernist criti
que

opened up new questions
that
began to position
gender as an analytical category instead of a synonym of
women stud
ies
.


In the 80
s

certain feminist theorists
,
questioned

the positivism of previous
development theories
, contributing to development of new conceptual
ideas of
post
-
colonialism, postmodern/post
-
structural feminism and post
-
development
(
Waine & Datta 2003,
371)
.

F
eminist analyses have influenced both thinking and
practice in international development agencies
.

The evolution from ‘women in
development’ (WID) to ‘gender and development’ (GAD)
shifted the
focus,
from
women’s
‘problems’

in developing countries

t
o
focusing on

gender as a social
construct

that
also contem
plated

power relations (Crewe and Harrison

1999
,
50)
.



T
he emergence of GAD

generated

debate about reproductive and productive
activities
.

This critic went further than the invisibility of reproductive
work;

it
also questioned

the
structural impacts
of capitalist development itself
.

This new
perspective showed the negative impacts of industrialization and
commercialization for both productive

and reproduct
ive activities (Parpart

2002,
374)
.

However
,

as GAD approaches were adopted in practice, they were

often

depoliticized,
and lost
much of the
ir feminist edge (
ibid
,

371)
.




19


Emphasis
on

addressing
gender issues

and realities in all aspects of development
policy and practice

started increasing relatively fast in the first half of the 90s,
w
it
h

the explosive emergence of gender units and a wide explosion of tool kits,
manuals and frameworks
that
permeate
d

developm
ent and enviro
nmental
agendas (Tzannatos 2006,

21)
.

This practical, institutional approach to gender is
now known as gender mainstreaming
.
I will explore
this
in the following section
.

4.2.

Gender mainstream
ing, institutions and prevalent research categories




F
eminist economist h
ave

so far concentrated on providing the effects of gender blind or
gender
-

adverse policy; now the task seems to have been expanded to demonstrate the
adverse effects of allegedly gender
-
incl
usive policy’ (Schoenpflug 2006,
120
)


Gend
er mainstreaming is defined in the UN Economic and Social Council (UN
1997, 28) as follows:


Mainstreaming a gender perspective is the process of assessing the
implications for women and men of any planned action, including legislation,
policies or progra
mmes, in all areas an
d

at all levels
.

It is a strategy for making
women’s as well as men’s concerns and experiences an integral dimension of
the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and
programmes

in all political, economical and societal spheres so that women
and men benefit equally and inequality is not perpetuated
.

The ultimate goal
is to achieve gender equality (UN 199
7
,

28

in Porter and Sweetman
2005
,2
)
.


Gender mainstreaming is a new form of
gendered politic and policy practice for
development theory. The implementation of gender mainstreaming does not
mean that gender has to be an additional category but that gender considerations
should be included at all stages both in theory and practice.


T
here is evidence that gender mainstreaming is more powerful than
gender and
development
approaches that

include and analyze

gender
just
aiming

to help
women. However,
o
ne critique of some applications of
gender
mainstreaming is
that it is harder to keep

track of gender when it is not segregated

as
a

"women's
project" implemented with gender funds by gender experts
.

Thus, sometimes is


20

easier
for
development
practitioners

to prioritize other goals instead of looking
transversally

at gender.


F
or some,
many of the
gender mainstream

initiatives

constitute

nothing more
than a strategic move

that does not challenge modernizatio
n
or
neoliberal
economics (Parpart, 2002,
371;

Bernadette

2010,
70)
.

This is the case for critics
such as Crewe &

Harrison (1999) that suggest that challenges from gender
mainstreaming are shallow since they do not critically consider the ideologies
and material conditions of power relations, thus dismissing political and
economic
roots
of gender

practices and meanin
gs
.

They also reflect upon the
inertia of
gender
research and the power of institutions by
using the following
assertion
,

Ideas are selectively used by ‘developers’ to make post hoc
rationalizations of the practices in development that create and recreate

gender
inequalities… At the same time, they can be used as effective rationalization only
because the ideas have a powerful affinity with existing structures of gender
re
lations”

(Crewe & Harrison 1999,

50)
.

Crewe and Harrison (1999:55) argue that

gender
analysis only rarely becomes

a

gender
-
sensitive practice
.




In opposition to criti
ques

such as the one of Crewe and Harrison
that
suggest
gender mainstreaming as

an obsolete
process
,

Elgstrom (2000)

argues

t
hat


new
gender norms have to
‘flight their way
in to

institutional thinking


in competition
with traditional norms

(
Elgstrom 2000 in Walby 2005, 322).


The
lack of

consistency
in the conceptualization and practice of
gender
studies
made
evident the need
to reform frameworks like the
GAD
.


T
he

re
-
conceptualization of this framework
was suggested
by

some feminist
scholars
who
consider
ed

starting

a
more sophisticated theorization of diversity
and the integration o
f masculinities (Parpart 2002,

371)
.

However
, the
se

adjustments in gender analysis
are
also criticized and
not easy to put in
to

practice
.

Operational
challenges
and
difficulties to address
ing

issues of poverty
and immediate material exigencies

are critiqued in their adjustments
.

The
s
e



21

critiques
triggered
further

argument
s

between scholars and institutions
.

A very
complex arrangement of variables is

necessary for the development of
gender

conscious studies

and it is a challenge for development practitioners to deal with
such complexities (Crewe and Harrison 1999, 67).


Thi
s thesis applies

simple conceptual principles and methodological tools
without sacrificing the complexity of gender analysis. This thesis is
one example
of many varying
methods to successfully mainstream gender by addressing and
visualizing relevant socio
-

ecological dynamics in a transversal and holistic way.


Gender mainstreaming has
led to
diverse
strategi
es
that can be used to include
gender

in the policy framework
for sustainable
environment
al practices
.


This is
a
multifaceted
debate

that is
simultaneously normative, philosophical, theoretical,
substantive, empirical, and policy
-
relevan
t” ( Walby 2005, 326
)

generat
ing several
strategies which can be used to navigate successfully through gender
mainstreaming in several areas of research includi
ng, education, development,
health and economic projects across the world.


However, the outcome of
some
gender mainstreaming

initiatives

is not always
positive.
For instance
, if the embedded power relations are overlooked, it can be
counterproductive (Ber
nadette 2010, 70). Unfortunately the inadequate planning
and design of projects can keep systematically benefiting certain group

of actors
,
dismissing others, and increasing
discrepancies

in access to different types of
capital (Bergeron 2006, 131).


One group of actors constantly investigated in gender analysis is women, and
even if there are legitimate reasons to do so, this can portray the idea that women
are the locus of gender problems and that women need to make changes to rectify
their position
limiting the analytic potential of the concept (Crewe and Harrison
1999, 68, Fernandez 1994, 8). Thus, the gender identities of both women and men
must be investigated especially since neoliberal restructuring

has
led to the loss of


22

formal employment for e
veryone. Men have been especially vulnerable, since
more men were officially employed with benefits and more women were
employed in micro enterprise, cottage industry, etc. (Paulson et al, 2010, 7).


However, this ‘new’ view of gender also raises oppositi
on since there is a fear
that the inclusion of men in gender discourse and policy may create the
impression that women are now less needy beneficiaries which could lead to the
‘re
-
exclusion’ of women (Bernadette 2010, 70). The

latter is a misinterpretation

caused by looking at gender as a dualistic category. These misinterpretations are
avoidable by understanding gender as complex category socially constructed
beyond the dualistic man
-
woman stereotypes that highlight the differences based
in ‘natural’ or ph
ysical constructs. This is where gender analysis comes in. Men
and women are systematically related such that change for man means change for
wom
en and vice versa. Therefore,
it

is

necessary to question the normative hetero
man
-
woman categories imposed by
development initiatives and programs in
order to recognize the millions of people around the world who do not fit well
into those categories.


I will

now

address some of the reasons of the perpetuation of ‘natural’ gender
categorie
s


4.3.

Reproduction of
prevalent research categ
ories: c
ritique of institutions
and resisting hegemonic concepts



Gender discourse that is based solely
on the

subordination of women, women’s
empowerment, and equity lead to a shallow
perspective of the
systems and
structures that shape social, economic and environmental roles of men and
women.
T
his
type of
gend
er

discourse has come to seem ‘natural’ and remains
both in the collective imag
e
ry and in public policies of development institutions
and governme
nts where gender
discourse is
associated with “helping” women.
On

occasions th
is

discourse is strategically modified to construct
an

illusion of


23

gender inclusion
. One can wonder about the function and the prevalence of these
discursive strategies.


One exp
lanation
is provided through
power of discourse. Schoenplug (2006, 118)
makes an analysis in the context of engendering development
,

where she uses
Foucault’s theory of discourse to remark how discourses are always practices of
in
-
and exclusion. Foucault (
1978) highlights the role of discourse in the
constitution of subjectivity, showing how discourse exercises power by
authorizing certain voices while silencing others; he also focuses in processes of
legitimization and the power of definition. This
highlig
hts

the way power and
knowledge
can be
combine
d

in a certain society,
where
practices of exclusion and
inclusion get materialized t
h
rough economics where dominant groups control
social discourse, policymaking and, therefore,

distribution and economic
well
being

(Focault 1978 in Schoenplug 2006, 118).


In an analytic framework that reveals how economy shapes discourse, it becomes
evident that the neoclassical economic model strengthens binary gender
categories and shapes men and women’s roles in society by t
he separation of
productive and reproductive spheres in society (which I will discuss below). For
example

in Latin America, the devalu
e
d reproductive
work aside from
paid
employment has been
portraye
d by
ideological constructions that represent
women’s job
s as a low wage extension of their domestic responsibilities
(Fernandez 1994, 11). In
contrast
, men’s social role is discursively and
ideologically represented as solely ‘productive’ exerting pressure on men not to
engage in reproductive activities (Paulso
n et al 2010, 7).


The institutionalization of gender discourse has enhanced the power exerted by
the current economic system (Bergeron 2006, 131). These
power relations
are
determinant in preserving certain discourses and practices regarding gender. For
instance, Escobar (1999) reflects upon the way discourse influences structure and
agency in development programs. He argues that professional discourses


24

generate categories and labels to describe
the facts

and that these categories are
designed to release

the

responsibilities of
powerful/dominant institutions,
groups and individuals from responsibilities. Thus, attributing the problem to
intrinsic characteris
tics

of individuals through certain labels such as pregnant
women and small farmer
s

amongst others (
Escobar 1999, 69). Furthermore,
politics and institutional practices are determinant in the reproduction and
materialization of discourses and the different strategies of exerting power.


The
power scheme

that establishes gender categories is easier to ma
intain than to
change
. G
ender
can be
easily reduced or dismissed by policy makers, notably
through the conceptualization of gender as “helping women.”
A
complex gender
analysis implies
a

change in social relations between men, women, and
institutions through
the
redistribution of
power;

it faces the same deep resistance
to

any interrogation
by

dominant power relations (Crewe and Harrison 1999, 62).


Gender at the institutional level infl
uences policy making and, therefore, it has
enormous consequences for the lives of millions of people in developing
countries (Tzannatos 2006, 25). Even if current attempts of development
programs include social and cultural factors, institutions are still

criticized by
their lack of commitment in challenging the core of economic and imperialistic
tendencies (Bergeron 2006, 131).
S
ome critics, coming from
a
feminist economy
focus

highlight how
dualistic concepts
are
still
in
use for institutions such as the

Word Bank, FAO, USAID, amongst others. These categories such as male
-
female,
developed
-
developing, nature
-
society keep reproducing socially binary
differences (Schoenpflug 2006, 120). The danger with preserving these categories
is that these differences t
end to be perpetuated educationally, socially, historically
and politically with serious consequences (Beneria 1995, 160).
For example, the
legitimization of this systematic dualism by a complex body of legislation
(Fernandez 1994, 10) gives guidelines for

the arrangements of access according to
assets, education, land property and management, participation in public


25

policies, amongst others. Thus, it is essential to reflect and to question the
‘natural’ status of these traditional categories.

4.4.

Separation

b
etween productive and reproductive activities


Only on the basis of a short
-
sighted economic thinking that reduces productive labor to
“gainful,” commodity
-

producing labor has it been possible to obscure the inseparable ties
between the productive and the

“reproductive” (Biesecker and Hofmeister 2010, 1707).


I have explored gender from a development perspective both historically and
institutional
ly
. This section is dedicated to examining the driving force behind

development and gender dynamics, the
econo
my. In current dominant discourse
and institutions
, the

productive and reproductive spheres in society are conceived
separately, however this separation is not universal to human history and culture
and probably will be short
-
lived
. T
o date this separation

is not an eas
ily defined

task and the conciliation of these categories is currently one of the most
challenging issues in gender analysis. Activities of the population categorized as
productive and reproductive are decisive factors in the social, economic

and
environmental dynamics of each territory. However, many studies and projects
limit their scope to activities deemed "productive" and especially to those more
institutionalized as formal employment or income
-
generating activities.


Here, I present a hi
storical approach to the separation of reproductive and
productive spheres that includes historical, socio economic and natural factors.
This section is also dedicated to
highlighting
the importance of closing the gap
between productive and reproductive
ac
tivities
in order to advance the
reconstruction of positive gender dynamics that can support equitable and
sustainable territorial development.

4.4.1.

Historical roots of the dichotomies: nature/socio
economic system, production/reproduction




26

Economic activity has been clearly separated between productive and
reproductive, but what are the causes and origins of this separation? Economic
history is not clearly defined, and its complexity does not
offer a clear and
thorough timeline of causes and

consequences. However, it is possible to find
reference points, and for some this dichotomy
can be

attributed to the genesis of
the concept of productivity per se (Biesecker and Hofmeister 2010, 1703). Also
some feminist
scholars

argue that it dates from
the rise of patriarchal, capitalist
systems (England and Lawson 2005, 78).



Biesecker and Hofmeister (2010) argue that since the 18th century ‘reproductive’
work performed in society

has not
be
en

highlighted
neither institutionally nor

discursively
. T
hey
also state that the separation between reproductive and
productive activities is closely related to the current environmental crisis

and they
postulate
that
the economic system drive
s this

crisis. According to the authors
labor

theory

and value are the key

to understanding this separation.


There are registers from Adam Smith’s labor theory and David Ricardo where
they only conceived ‘the productive’ powers of labor, here nature assumes the
form of commodity and reproductive work is not even considered, th
us not
having a place in this economic rationale (Biesecker and Hofmeister 2010, 1704).


For practical purposes I start the reconstruction of the separation
production/reproduction with Marx
’s

re
-
conceptualization of labor where he
addressed the metabolic

process between man and nature involved in capitalism

although he didn’t express it in terms of “reproductive labor” (ibid, 1704). Some
traditions of feminists use Marx theory in order to build their critique, which
focuses on the reconsideration of the
relationship between productive and
reproductive labor
.

M
arxist
-
feminist
’s

also considered class hierarchies while
defining
the social position of
women and men (Escobar 2010,92).
This was
followed by a
conceptualization of gender as part of a productive s
ystem and as a
process that combines economic, political and ideological facets. A major


27

contribution of this approach was to locate the source of women’s subordination
in the separation between domestic and paid employment (Beneria 1995, 1841).


Neoclassi
c theory enhanced the economy based on maximization and competitive
markets in 1994. Under the frame
work

of neoclassical econom
ics
, nature is seen
as constant and economy became an autonomous being
,
another critical point for
the division of reproductive a
nd productive spheres (Biesecker and Hofmeister
2010, 1704).



Currently
, gender mainstreaming encourages the
consideration

of reproductive
activities in development programs. However, some critics argue that these efforts
are shallow since they are o
perationalized in the context of predominant
neoclassical models. According to Bergeron (2006), the development of these
models
including the
addi
tion of

cultural and social factors c
ame
with a
multidisciplinary toolkit to

help

make sense of social factors

in development while
retaining core of economic discipli
nes

(Bergeron 2006, 128). The conscious analysis
of production and reproduction is critical for gender analysis, especially from a
human ecology perspective, since it draws attention to the relation
amongst
the
economic system, political categories, sustainability and conception of nature.
While neoclassical econom
ics

enhances public policies that institutionalize the
separation
of productive and reproductive activities

and the division of these
betwe
en men and women, it also
separates
productive use of natural resources
from the regeneration of natural resources and ecosystems.



Many critics of the impacts and limitations of neoclassic economy demand a
paradigm shift
however
not all
the attempts become
concrete proposals (Bergeron
2006,128). In
regards to
gender

analysis
, any institutional form of gender that
belongs to the current economic rationale is susceptible to being criticized for lack
of commitment or shallowness. However, Wa
lby (2005) points out that the
situation can’t be seen in such a reductionist way.

According to her “Gender
mainstreaming is constructed, articulated and transformed through discourse that


28

is clustered within frames that are extended and linked through str
uggle and
argumentation” (Walby 2005, 338)


Thus, in order to make fruitful praxis parallel to the conception of gender as
transversal

it is necessary to keep inquiring
about

the role that men and women
play in the productive and reproductive spheres of th
eir socio
-
ecological system.
M
en and women need to play an active role in shaping the productivity and
reproductivity of nature, within the context defined by human economic processes
(Biesecker and Hofmeister 2010, 1706).
F
eminist economy is one of the di
sciplines
that

have

most

often

incurred in debates such as household work

and
lower
wages
,
incorporat
ing

masculinities strong
ly

emphasi
zing

social and cultural
factors (Beneria

1995, 1841). In addition to feminist economy there are alternative
analytical frameworks, such as

the

feminist political ecology and gender analysis
that integrate gender, development and natural resource use and management.
Thus, demonstrating the inters
ectionality of gender and its usefulness in the
creation of new narratives (Bernardette 2010, 83).


4.5.

Gender in

geography: r
ural territorial approach


This section of gender and geography
serves
as an introduction
to

the case study
in El Salvador, and attempt
s

to address local particularities in ways that challenge
global research assumptions in the study of gender dynamics. In this section I
will also
utilize

the relation
ship

between gender and environment
in order t
o

emphasize the social dynamics that affect and are affected by changes
in

landscape contribut
ing

to the
condition
of particular ecosystems.


Gender has become a highly contested concept, partly because it is not an
empirical phenomena making it ambiguous

and intangible (Paulson et al 2010, 3,
Bergeron 2006, 131).
S
tudies
similar to
this thesis are essential
because they
show
how it is possible to analyze in a concise and systematic manner the roles that
men and women have in rural realities. For instance,

authors such as Escobar


29

(1999) consider that understanding local practices and conceptualizations makes
possible a paradigm shift beyond the conventional economic logic, incorporating
cultural and technological alternatives appropriate to the local
population
according to the

structural and functional characteristic of an ecosystem (Escobar
1999, 268).


One option to
go deeper in to the local sphere
is by
investigating
gender roles in a
territory. This information
functions
as a complement to informa
tion given by
current indexes and economic tools that alone are not informative enough to
explain gender dynamics, especially since there are mayor shortcomings in the
way gender issues are conceptualized (or not) in the macroeconomic approaches
(Tzannatos

2006, 21).
T
heories of development often neglect national and regional
differences and most studies originally underestimate the impact of development
policies upon segments of the population, especially unintended or
secondary/chain reaction impacts (Fer
nandez 1994, 2). Another shortcoming is
that
some instances of gender analysis
replicat
e

research categories that are not
informative enough. For
example
, mainstream definitions of work continue
ignoring or undervaluing domestic, informal and reproductive
work.


The methodological constraints
used to analyze
productive and reproductive
activities
neglect to address

several social actors. For
example,
most national
accounting systems and official censuses ignore unpaid and reproductive labor
(England and La
wson 2005, 78).
A
s mentioned later

in the document (page 27),
the category of economically active population (EAP) leaves out young people,
students, women and elderly who are not considered as productive

therefore
ignoring most of the activities that warr
ant the reproduction of society and nature
that are not encompassed in the classic categories of production (Fernandez 1994,
10).


The recognition and value for a wider range of productive and reproductive
activities from research and local

institutional
discourse can
create

space for


30

greater participation and respect for people who do not fall into the categories
traditionally supported and respected, but in the marginalized categories such as
"housewives" or "helpers.”
M
any women are label into the above

categories, and
as those are not considered like productive activities, these women are not taken
into account in the territories.


Gender in territory discussion is crucial since global categories can be ambiguous
and the local ones can restrict the des
criptions of global dynamics.

As Escobar
states, regarding local economies
,

local should not mean place based (Escobar
1999, 269). There are other characteristics to take into account while considering
rural
territories, which

I will describe below
regarding

the case

study

of the
Northern River Bank of
Cerrón Grande Wetlands

in El Salvador
.


The program
,

’Dinámicas Territoriales Rurales” (DTR, RIMISP)
,

adopted the
concept proposed by Lund’s gender group which understands gender as “a
sociocultural sy
stem that norms, structure and gives meaning to the roles and
relations of men and women in the territory. It influences the construction of
actors and social coalitions, the functioning and structure of the institutions, and
the development, distribution
and use of tangible and intangible assets in the
territory” (Paulson et al 2010, 4). Th
i
s definition of gender
not only identifies
actors, it

recogni
zes

the

assets or capitals of the territory
including its
social,
economic and environmental context.
Using

this definition of gender,

the
territory of El Salvador is here described in terms of capitals. These capitals are
human capital, natural capital, social capital, financial capital and physical
capital,
as
defined by
Prisma

according to the information on

sustainable
livelihoods of the Department for International Development UK (DFID 1999).


The human capital “represents the skills, knowledge, job skills and good health
that together enable people to engage in different strategies and achieve its
objecti
ves regarding livelihoods” (DFID 1999, 11). Natural capital "makes
reference to items of natural resources resulting from the flow of resources and


31

useful services to livelihoods" (ibid. 15). The social capital "is understood as the
organizational capabili
ties and skills of local communities to ensure resources
(knowledge, collective action, market access, etc.)” (Kandel 2007, 9). The financial
capital

refers to financial resources that people use to achieve their intended
livelihoods" (DFID 1999, 23).
Finally, physical capital includes "basic
infrastructure and production of goods needed to support livelihoods" (ibid, 12).


Besides considering a territory from a capitals framework, the 'success' of rural
development gender initiatives take into consider
ation the factors mentioned
previously,

which include the social and political context of the territory. This
complex arrangement of factors,
that varies

depending on the

territory, express
the complexity and the necessity to approach territorial gender dy
namics from a
broad perspective. By using gender analysis, it is possible to identify the different
actors in the territory and their relationship with institutions and the
environment, facilitating the study of territorial dynamics.


Results and d
iscussion

5.

Results are presented according to the research questions

including
: how to make

gender dynamics

visible
, identifying wh
at

the particularities of dynamics in
production systems
are
and why they are relevant to territorial dynamics and
finalizing
by analy
zing

options for the mobilization of knowledge of gender
dynamics in the territory.

5.1.

Visualization of territorial gender dynamics in investigation


The study of the territorial rural dynamics of the Cerrón Grande Wetland focuses
o
n
agriculture, fishing and

cattle farming, since

these are the main activities that sustain
the economy of the territory

according to the 2007

Census.
The population Census is
an indispensable source

of information
for
an

analysis of livelihood,
e
specially

regarding information con
cerning
the economically active population (EAP).
However, this material
includes
gender biases as
most national accounting systems
and official censuses usually ignore unpaid and reproductive labor, which falls


32

disproportionately
on

women in many

contexts

(
England and Lawson 2005,78)
.
Thus, for the case study of El Salvador I
identified the categories that limited
researchers’ ability to document productive and reproductive work
and
suggested
tools that allow t
he

visualiz
ation of

dynamics and actors of the territory that are not
represented in the Census as EAP.


My research identifies various types of both men's and women’s work
that
remains
invisible in the Census.
The

Census ignores persons who realize tasks of the home,
which
are mostly women. These persons are gathered in the same category with
persons who are permanently disabled from work. Students and pensioners are also
considered a part of the Economically Inactive Population (EIP). This empirical
analysis reveals that th
ere are a variety of important labors carried out by persons
registered in the EIP category besides the
so
-
called

"domestic chores" workers. These
actors are necessary to reproduce the labor force day after day (with attention of
food, of health, and rest)
, and to reproduce the labor force across the generations
(with pregnancy, upbringing, food supply, education, of the children). It is a
remarkable fact that the National Census represents the majority (66 %) of the
population of the territory of the north
ern riverbank of the wetland inside the EIP
category. Hence, it is essential to document the productive and reproductive roles
that many of these so
-
called “inactive” people actually carry out in the territory and
to challenge mainstream definitions of wor
k in order to avoid ignoring or
undervaluing domestic, informal and reproductive work that is vital for the
development, and the sustainability

of the territory.


In addition to ignoring
a large portion of actors, the Census only allows every
individual t
o name one economic activity, consequently ignoring the secondary
activities of those people categorized as economically active. According to the EAP,
the percentage of persons dedicated to agriculture, fishing and cattle farming in the
territory is respec
tively 20
.
9%, 3
.
3 % and 3
.
4 %, while the
results of the
investigation
presented in this thesis demonstrates that this is an extreme underestimation.
The
data discussed below, suggest
that the
number of active fishermen
is
much higher


33

than the estimation
included in

the census (3 %). Then, to register a trade (an activity)
for a person does not fulfill the intent to register the totality of the people involved in
the economic activities of the territory. Consequently, the Census does not

surmise
the comple
x and diversified strategies of men and women in the territory.


Many inhabitants of the territory realize combined activities, for instance
there is
stockbreeders
who
are also farmers
that

grow food for the
ir

cattle, farmers go fishing
and vice versa, per
sons who take care of

the

home
and are also involves

in
agricultural
activities
, fishing and raising animals. In spite of the importance that
these structures have for the territorial dynamics and relations with the environment,
they are not
referenced
in
the Population Census of El Salvador.


The previously mentioned omissions limit the impact of
some
gender mainstreaming
attempts in research categories. Most National
Censuses

disaggregate information by
sex but they do not address questions that reveal t
he diverse structure of productive
and reproductive systems. For example, to find generalizations
in

the National
Census of El Salvador regarding land tenure, we can analyze the following question;
do you carry out agricultural activities on your own and o
wn what you produce?
This question references an important omission since
no information was collected
on an undetermined number of landowners who do not participate in agricultural
activities, such as those who hold land that is not utilized or "abandoned" land, or
annuitants who are not working their land and are only renting
it. Since most of the
land in the wetlands (63%) is rented (Gómez and Cartagena 2011, 21) a lot of
essential information
for the

analysis

of the dynamics in the territory is missing.


Thus, the conventional categories used in the 2007 Census of El Salvador

resulted in
a broad and unspecific definition of the economically inactive population, the
omission of secondary activities and the greatly deficient register of land use and
tenure. Once we identified these omissions, together with my colleagues from
Pri
sma
, we developed methodological and analytical tools to complement and to
correct the information provided by the Census.



34

5.2.

Gender dynamic
s in production systems in the northern river bank of
h
umedal Cerrón Grande



The livelihood workshops realized for ca
ttle farming and fishing were an important
source of information about men and women involved in these activities in order to
complement the information provided by the Census. The findings from these
workshops are described below.


I will describe the different profiles of men and women in the territory and their
associated arrangement of productive activities in order to construct a gender role
framework. According to Lotsmart 2008
, men and women’s roles and responsibilities
in the
management of natural resources are determined by the traditional gendered
division of labor and cultural norms which tend to define along gender lines those
who benefit due to access to natural resources, credits, technology, knowledge,
amongst others (
Lo
tsmart 2008
, 463). For the Chalatenango case study I inquire about
the profiles of men and women in the territory and their associated activities in order
to avoid the inertia of classical categories of labor and actually generate an updated
and more thoro
ugh profile.


5.2.1.

Profile of people in cattle farming


Cattle farming activities are mostly carried out by men in the territory. These
activities include sowing crops for fodder, production of ensile, control of weed,
restitution of fences amongst other routi
ne activities. The activities in which women’s
regular participation was identified include the processing of dairy products and the
sale of cattle. This information is a result
of information attained through
the
livelihood workshops, and it complies with

the Census report where out of 3
.
1 % of
people dedicated to cattle farming, 97 % are men and 3 % are women.


Out of 30 participants that attended to the workshop, three women were single, and
they identified cattle farming as their principal activity fol
lowed by agriculture.
Nevertheless, none of these women named domestic work as their principal activity