Obama key to Soft Power - wheelerdebate

electricfutureAI and Robotics

Nov 14, 2013 (3 years and 8 months ago)

158 views

Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

1

Index


Shell

________________________________
________________________________
________________________________
__

2

-

3

Uniq


Obama will win

________________________________
________________________________
____________________

4

-

5

Uniq


Obama winning on

Energy Now

________________________________
________________________________
__________

6

Uniq


A2 the race is over

________________________________
________________________________
____________________

7


Link


Alternative Energy Popular

________________________________
________________________________
___________

8

-

9

Link


Warming Policies Popular

________________________________
________________________________
______________

10

Link


RPS popular

________________________________
________________________________
_____________________

11

-

12

Link


Wind Popular

________________________________
________________________________
____________________

13

-

14

Link


SPS popular

________________________________
________________________________
_____________________

15

-

16

A2


oil lobby link turn

________________________________
________________________________
______________________

17


IL


Energy policy key

________________________________
________________________________
__________________

18

-

19

IL


Bush popularity key

________________________________
________________________________
____________________

20

IL


McCain tied to Bush

________________________________
________________________________
____________________

21


Ob
ama key to Soft Power

________________________________
________________________________
____________________

22

Soft Power key to Hegemony

________________________________
________________________________
_________________

23

Hegemony Stops Nuclear War

________________________________
________________________________
________________

24


Affirmative

Answers

McCain will win

________________________________
________________________________
_______________________

25

-

26

Obama win inevitable

________________________________
________________________________
_______________________

27


RPS


unpopular

________________________________
________________________________
_______________________

28

-

29

Wind


unpopular

________________________________
________________________________
______________________

30

-

31

SPS


unpopular

________________________________
________________________________
___________________________

32

Oil Link Turn

________________________________
________________________________
_____________________________

33


Bush doesn’t matter

________________________________
________________________________
________________________

34

Energy isn’t key to the election
________________________________
________________________________
________________

35

McCain key to soft p
ower/ Obama isn’t

________________________________
________________________________
_________

36



Explanation


Probably the easiest disad to explain ever. Obama will in the election now. The plan is popular and allows Bush to look goo
d. If
Bush starts looking better then McCain will pull out the

victory. Obama winning is key to US soft power [being friends with
everyone abroad] which prevents wars from erupting since America is so clearly amazing.


The answers are quite good on the link turn, uniqueness, and no internal link debate. I didn’t
include any impact turns because I
figured those could be useful research assignments.


Final Note.

It seems this disad is the easiest thing to teach research on if you are interested in doing research. For example,
reasons why McCain is good/Obama is ba
d or vice versa is an excellent example of some research you could have your students
work on and use at some late October tournaments.



Yes this disad will be dead at the start of November. I will make sure there is another disad that is available for t
he
community starting then. It just seemed to be such an important issue and an easy disad to use to teach

Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

2

Shell


A. uniqueness
-

Obama leads McCain in national polling and will likely win, but the race is close

National Review 8/4/08

“Game Plan
-

Shou
ld McCain care to win . . .,” l/n


Ever since

Barack
Obama won the Democratic nomination
, John
McCain has been within five points of him in a weighted average
of national polls; lately, he has been within four
.
Most Republican strategists thought that Obam
a would be much farther ahead
.
Polls show that the public would much rather elect a Democratic president than another Republican one
.
But voters have enough
respect for McCain and enough doubts about Obama to make this race competitive
.
Nonetheless, McCai
n is behind, and it is
going to take a smart and well
-
executed campaign to change that
.
The Iraq War is unpopular, and Americans want to end it as soon
as we reasonably can
.
Most Americans are dissatisfied with the economy, upset in particular by the risin
g price of necessities
.
The
number of people who think the country is on the right track is in the teens
. President
Bush and his party have been deeply
unpopular for several years
.
Liberals are excited and organized in a way that conservatives aren't
.
The

good news for Republicans
is that Obama can be beaten
.
The bad news is that the McCain campaign has embarked on a course that
--

although it has some of
the right elements
--

seems likely to fail, and the tightening of the polls may encourage it to contin
ue on that course
. The race
wouldn't be as competitive as it is if McCain didn't have unusual strengths as a political persona, but McCain is also a grea
t risk to
his own cause. In important respects, he needs to run an un
-
McCain
-
like campaign, more negati
ve than he'd prefer, more focused
on domestic policy, and less freewheeling: Think of a Republican Hillary Clinton circa this year's Ohio and Pennsylvania
primaries.



B. link
-

Massive popular support for alternative energy exists among otherwise conserv
ative and swing voters

Progressive States Network 2006

“Building a Progressive Majority in the States: Smart Growth and Clean Jobs,” http://www.progressivestates.org/content/486/


Politically, these programs are wildly popular with voters and help progres
sives reach many of the swing voters most up for grabs
politically.
Polling

by the Apollo Alliance
shows over 70 percent of Americans support a drastic increase in government spending
on renewable energy and other programs to move towards energy independen
ce
.
87 percent of the public see policies to invest in
alternative energy sources as a good way to reduce global warming
.
And swing voters are more excited about such policies than
any other demographic group
.
Similarly
, as the Michigan Land Institute has
highlighted,
the same exurban districts that had
traditionally elected rightwing legislators have lately been voting in local referendum to raise taxes to finance smart growt
h
initiatives and are increasingly electing more progressive leaders to deal with
transit and sprawl problems
. A good example is the
recent election of Virginia Governor Tim Kaine, who attributes his election victory in 2005 substantially to the strong suppo
rt he
received from emerging suburbs like Loudon County whose residents were att
racted to his smart growth proposals.




AND
-

McCain is tied to Bush’s policies. Support among republicans and independents is necessary for victory

Wall Street Journal 7/2/08

“How Bush Ratings Complicate McCain's Presidential Fight,” online.wsj.com/publ
ic/article/SB121493389576919869.html?mod=blog


President
Bush's record unpopularity is playing an unprecedented role in the 2008 campaign, complicating John McCain's task
among key constituencies
.

Mr.
Bush received a 66% disapproval rating

in The Wall Str
eet Journal/NBC poll
for June
,
tying his
own record for the highest ever for any president

in the Journal/NBC poll. The previous highs were a 56% rating for Mr. Bush's
father in late 1992, and a 50% score for President Clinton in 1993. In the long
-
running
Gallup Poll, Mr. Bush's disapproval rating
reached 69% this spring
--

a record going back to the Truman administration.

His disapproval rating in the Journal poll is
particularly striking among a number of key voter blocs for Mr. McCain in the November e
lection: older voters (67%), women
(71%) and independents (75%).

Mr.
Bush's second
-
term slide in the polls has been especially sharp among independents, a group
that
Sen.
McCain depends on
.
Now for

Mr.
McCain to win in November
, "
at least one
-
third of Mc
Cain's voters will have to be
people who disapprove of the job

George
Bush is doing
,"
most of them independents
, says Republican pollster Neil Newhouse.
And

Sen.
McCain must accomplish that feat while continuing to align himself with
Mr.
Bush on some of th
e administration's most
controversial policies
, notably the Iraq war.

Despite some slippage
, Mr.
Bush remains popular among self
-
identified Republicans
,
with a 62% approval rate,
but the GOP's strength relative to Democrats has diminished under his tenure
, according to surveys.
As a
result, Mr. McCain also will have to do significantly better among Republicans than

Mr.
Obama does among Democrats, in
addition to winning independents by a wide margin
, Mr. Newhouse says.


Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

3

Shell



C. Obama is key to bolsteri
ng soft power and maintaining U.S. Leadership

Joseph Nye, 6/15/08,

Distinguished Service Professor and Sultan of Oman Professor of International Relations

Harvard


“Obama and Soft Power (II),” Huffington Post http://www.huffingtonpost.com/joseph
-
nye/obama
-
and
-
soft
-
power
-
ii_b_107232.html


Several people responded to my earlier blog about Obama by asking what I meant by soft power. There is an entire
chapter (and references) in my book The Powers to Lead for those who want to pursue it further, but put simpl
y,
soft
power is the ability to obtain what you want through attraction rather than coercion or payment
. We all experience it every
day. The better we are able to attract others, the less we have to spend on carrots and sticks. That is important, and it is

a
lesson that we have to re
-
learn as a nation after the past eight years. Some people pointed out that soft power makes a
poor slogan in Amercan electioneering. That may be true, but soft power is an analytical term, not a slogan. It refers to an
importa
nt dimension of power. I invented the term in 1990 when I was writing a book about why I disagreed with the then
conventional wisdom that the United States was in decline. After summing up American military and economic power, I
realized that something was

missing
--

our ability to attract others through our culture

(where it has appeal),
our values

(when we apply them without hypocrisy)
and our policies

(when they are regarded as inclusive and legitimate in the eyes
of others).
Of course, hard power is als
o very important
,
and the ability to combine hard and soft power effectively is

what
I have called "
smart power
." That comes closer to being a useful slogan in American politics. It is ironic that China's
President Hu Jintao last year proclaimed China's ob
jective of increasing its soft power while Americans are unable to talk
seriously about this dimension of power. ( A notable exception was Defense Secretary Robert Gates' plea for more
investment in soft power tools last November.)
So long as we have a tru
ncated political discourse that ignores part of the
tools in our toolbox, we will wind up with policies like those of past eight years
. My belief is that
Obama, because of his
background and emotional intelligence, will be better able to understand the rol
e of soft power and better able to provide
effective leadership
.



U.S. Leadership is vital to preventing global nuclear war

Zalmay Khalilzad, 1995, Fellow


RAND Corporation

“Losing the Moment?” Washington Quarterly, 18:2, l/n


Under the third option, th
e United States would seek to retain global leadership and to preclude the rise of a global rival or a return
to multipolarity for the indefinite future. On balance, this is the best long
-
term guiding principle and vision. Such a vision is
desirable not as

an end in itself, but because
a world in which the

U
nited
S
tates
exercises leadership would have tremendous
advantages
. First, the global environment would be more open and more receptive to American values
--

democracy, free markets,
and the rule of law.

Second,
such a world would have a better chance of dealing cooperatively with the world's major problems,
such as nuclear proliferation, threats of regional hegemony by renegade states, and low
-
level conflicts
.
Finally, U.S. leadership
would help preclude

the rise of another hostile global rival, enabling the

U
nited
S
tates
and the world to avoid another global cold
or hot war and all the attendant dangers, including a global nuclear exchange
. U.S. leadership would therefore be more conducive
to global stab
ility than a bipolar or a multipolar balance of power system.



Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

4

Uniq


Obama will win


Obama will win now


Electoral College

Human Events Online, 7/16/08

“New Electoral College Analysis: Obama 273, McCain 265,” l/n


With Sen. Barack Obama moving ahead of

Sen. John McCain in our latest Electoral College rundown, the private Republican view is that the focus must be on Obama in t
he coming campaign for McCain to win. A
positive campaign will lose, and the spotlight on Obama must be harsher for McCain to have

a chance.

Former Sen. Phil Gramm is still McCain's close friend and adviser despite having told too much of the truth in
public by saying we are a nation of whiners. Gramm has apologized to McCain, and McCain told him to forget it.

The irritation by the

Congressional Black Caucus over Obama's pivot to the right is genuine but not
significant. Congressional blacks are truly irritated that Obama is not buying into their left
-
wing agenda, but they have no place to go. Jesse Jackson's unintended outburst is
reflective of CBC irritation and probably a
net political gain for Obama. Contrast with Jackson helps Obama with white voters.

Obama has made a rare political mistake in seeming to say it is more important for the population to learn Spanish than for
immi
grants to learn English. The English language issue is an important one, especially with white middle
-
income voters, which is Obama's potentially fatal weak spot.

Presidential

Electoral College
:
The
Electoral College swings to a slight Obama advantage as N
ew Mexico now appears to be in the Obama column
.

Overview
:
While
state
-
by
-
state polls show a large Obama advantage, most of them overstate Obama's chances and understate the vote McCain is
likely to get
.

Still, McCain has good reason to worry
--
indeed, mo
re worrisome than his slight deficit in the Electoral College is the
closeness in traditional Red States such as Montana, North Dakota, and Virginia
.
If he is at a cash disadvantage, he can't afford to
play defense in so many states
.

The major X
-
factor in

this contest is Obama's race, combined with his age
--
as well as the lack of exposure of his liberalism. Those question marks means he cannot
be confident in any state where he is currently polling significantly below 50%, however low McCain is.

Former Re
p. Bob Barr (Libertarian) is currently registering near 10% in many states. If history is a guide, this
will drop quite a bit by Election Day, to below 1% in many states. Protest voters on both sides will diminish in numbers as t
he prospect of a President
Obama or President McCain becomes more realistic.

The
battlegrounds remain Lake Erie and the Mountain West, but Obama could succeed in putting in play the northern Plains and the
Southeast (from Virginia through Georgia).

Below, our updated analysis on st
ates that
have shown movement since our last count
.

Obama 273, McCain 265.


Obama will win


National Polls

New York Observer 7/18/08

“State Polls Indicate Obama's Tidal
-
Wave Potential, But National Polls Are Tight; Both Are Right,” l/n


Two radically dif
ferent story lines are emerging in the presidential race, depending on what kind of poll you look at
.

If you look at the national
-
level data
,
Barack

Obama seems to
be underachieving
.
In the latest Gallup daily tracking poll, the presumptive Democratic nom
inee holds a scant two
-
point edge over

John

McCain
.
The margin is also two points in Rasmussen's daily poll
-
which also shows a dead
-
even race when "leaners" are
factored in
.
Some other recent polls have been a little more favorable to Obama, but the combin
ed weight of the available national
data strongly suggests that Obama, despite his personal popularity and the enormous built
-
in advantages his party enjoys this year,
is locked in a much closer race than he should be
.

But if you ignore the national numb
ers and instead consider individual state
polls, a realigning landslide suddenly seems to be within Obama's reach
.
In state after state, he's performing far better than

John
Kerry did in 2004, and numerous Republican bastions are seemingly in play
.
Conside
r Indiana, which George W. Bush won by 21 points in 2004 and which lasted
voted for a Democrat 44 years ago
-
and which Obama leads by one point in the most recent survey. Or North Carolina, which Bush carried by 12 points in '04 but w
here the latest poll ha
s Obama within three. And so on.
In North Dakota, the race is tied. In South Dakota, Obama trails by just four. Ditto for Alaska, perhaps the most Republican
state in the union. He also leads in Montana and Colorado and in all but one recent survey in
Virg
inia.

And the trend isn't just evident in red states. In states where Kerry eked out victories last time around, polls now give Oba
ma sizable leads. Kerry nearly fumbled away Minnesota (a three
-
point nail
-
biter), but
Obama has a 17
-
point advantage in the
most recent poll. Wisconsin and New Hampshire were photo
-
finishes in '04, but Obama has opened a double
-
digit lead there. Plus, Obama is running ahead in states that Kerry
barely lost, like Iowa (by an average of seven points), New Mexico and Nevada.

On t
op of all this, Obama is performing as well as any Democratic nominee is supposed to in the biggest blue states
-
California, New
York, Illinois, New Jersey and Massachusetts
-
and leads (in some cases substantially) in every recent swing state except Florida,

where the average of recent polls gives McCain a three
-
point edge.

There are some
traditionally Republican states where Obama is performing at a more typical (for a Democrat) level, like Utah, Alabama and Te
nnessee, but overall at the state
-
by
-
state leve
l he seems positioned to win the November
election going away. So how is it
-
with Obama so close to McCain in so many red states and so far ahead in all of the big blue states
-
that the national polls show such a close race? With all of the dramatic strides
Obama
is making in individual states, shouldn't his national margin be much wider?

One tempting thought is that the national polls might seem so different because many of the red states where Obama is overach
ieving are so
small. So while there might be pa
lpable movement in his direction in, for instance, North Dakota (which accounts for 0.2 percent of the U.S. population), it's

possible that in a national survey of 500 voters, only one
North Dakotan
-
or maybe even none
-
is actually interviewed.

But if we ta
ke the average result from recent polls in each state and weight each state according to its share of the national population
, we get an overall
national result that's entirely consistent with current national polling: Obama 46.2 percent, McCain 42.7
-
a 3½
-
point race. So there really is no inconsistency between the close national horse race and Obama's clearly
superior position in individual state polls.

The most obvious explanation for this is the large number of undecided voters included in most polls, w
hich makes it tough for either candidate to break 50 percent in most
states right now. In South Carolina, for example, Obama is clearly running better than Kerry did (or Al Gore, for that matter
) and trails McCain by just six points in an average of that s
tate's most recent polling. But as
surprisingly close as the race is, Obama's raw number
-
39 percent support, on average
-
is nothing new for a Democrat in the state (Kerry finished with 41 percent in '04).

The same is true in many other states, red and
blue
. Obama leads by an average of 17 points in dark
-
blue New York, but he's only averaging 53 percent of the vote there (while Kerry took 58 in '04). He's slaughtering McCain in

California, but only averaging 53
percent support there. And he's opened leads in

Ohio, Michigan and Pennsylvania, but also isn't securing the level of support that Kerry had in those states on Election Day
four years ago.

This doesn't mean that Obama
is in trouble in any of these blue states or that the number of undecided voters is
unusually high. It's simply a partial explanation for how seemingly solid polling data in individual states can translate int
o lukewarm
national numbers.

But things get more revealing if we take the numbers a step further and try to adjust the current sta
te averages to account for the voters who are now undecided or threatening to vote for third
-
party
candidates. For the sake of this exercise, let's award the undecided/third party vote in each state proportionally, based on
the current average levels of su
pport for both candidates. For instance, the Massachusetts average
now has Obama leading, 52 to 36.2 percent. If we adjust that proportionally, Obama ends up with 58.96 percent to McCain's 41.
04 percent. Do this for all 50 states, and Obama ends up with 51
.98 percent of the national
popular vote, with McCain at 48.02 percent.

This doesn't exactly look like a landslide, and yet in all but four states, Obama's final number would be an improvement
-
substantial in many cases
-
over Kerry's '04
performance. In som
e cases, this means trimming 30
-
point Kerry deficits in dark red states to 20 or 15 points, a nice accomplishment that won't change the bottom line in those
states. But in other cases, it means cutting
15
-
point Kerry losses in half (or more) and moving wit
hin theoretical striking distance in a state. What's striking about this data is that just about all of the improvement in in
dividual states from '04 is on the Democratic
side. McCain may end up holding on to the traditional red states that now seem in dou
bt, but he's not threatening in any of the traditional blue states
.

This all shows us two things
.
For one, even if
Obama's surprising standing in red states endures through November, it won't mean he's a shoe
-
in on Election Day. If he comes close without
flipping any of them over, McCain would still have a chance in the Electoral
College and Obama would not automatically score a runaway victory in the national popular vote. In that sense
,
the current national polls that show a tight race are spot
on
.

But
the individual state polls that seem so rosy for Obama aren't misleading, either, in the sense that they reflect the potentia
l
for an Obama landslide
.
Obama is only flirting with the possibility now
-
his prospects may fade by Election Day
-
but he has the
pot
ential to win over a handful of states the other party has long counted on winning
.
McCain doesn't
.

In other words, the race
really is close, and McCain has the potential to win
.
But only Obama has the potential to win big
.


Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

5

Uniq


Obama will win



Obama

ahead in a close race

White House Press Bulletin 7/21/08

“Obama Up By Three In Gallup Tracking,” l/n


The Gallup national presidential tracking poll
, which surveyed 2,669 registered voters from July 17
-
19,
shows

Sen. Barack
Obama
leading

Sen. John
McCain

45%
-
42%.



Obama is leading but the race is close

Business Recorder 7/18/08

“Obama Must Walk Fine Line in Middle East,” l/n


Despite his popularity overseas and the desire of many abroad to anoint him as the next president,
Obama still faces a tough
camp
aign against

Republican opponent John
McCain
,
whom US voters have more confidence in when for issues of national
security and foreign affairs
, according to recent opinion polls.
Obama, however, leads McCain overall in national polls by margins
ranging fro
m 4 to 8 percentage points, a far from insurmountable gap with more than three months left before the November 4
election
.



A consensus of polls show Obama leading McCain

Boston Globe 7/16/08

“Democrats' bus heads South to sign up new voters,” l/n


A new

national poll says

Democrat Barack
Obama leads

Republican John
McCain 50 percent to 41 percent, thanks to huge leads
among women and young voters, and near unanimous support among blacks
.

But among independent voters, the candidates are
tied at 44 percen
t, and McCain holds a 47 percent
-
44 percent lead among men and a 49 percent
-
42 percent edge among white
voters, according to the Quinnipiac University poll released yesterday.

"Sen. Barack Obama's national lead is solid
-

but it's not
monolithic," Maurice

Carroll, director of the Quinnipiac University Polling Institute, said in a statement.

The candidates have
similar favorability ratings, but the poll found voters appear more open to the nation's first black president than to the co
untry's
oldest to take

the oath of office for the first time.

While 88 percent said they are "entirely comfortable" or "somewhat
comfortable" having a black president and 86 percent said Obama's race won't affect their vote, 64 percent said they are "ent
irely
comfortable" or "
somewhat comfortable" with a president who is 72 and 20 percent say they are less likely to vote for McCain
because of his age.

The survey was conducted July 8
-
13 and has a margin of error of 2.4 percentage points.

A new Washington
Post/ABC News survey r
eleased yesterday gave Obama a similar 50 percent to 42 percent lead over McCain
.
And a New York
Times/CBS News poll released last night gave Obama a 45 percent to 39 percent lead nationally
.



Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

6

Uniq


Obama winning on Energy Now



Obama leading McCain on
alternative energy

Hilary Rosen, 7/16/08, Democratic Strategist

“Obama Gets Set to Travel Abroad,” CNN l/n


ROSEN: It's a
--

you know, it's funny, but it's silly, because actually, Barack
Obama is where the American people are on
alternative energy, on ene
rgy independence
, on health care, solving the health care crisis, on ending the war in Iraq, on increasing
funds for education. John
McCain has voted against every single one of those things
.
So, to somehow suggest that that's not where
the American people

want to be
, or that because another senator has also voted the way, John
McCain is not going to win on this
issue
.



Obama receiving endorsements for his energy policies

Greenwire 7/21/08

“LCV endorses Obama for president,” l/n


The League of Conservatio
n Voters today endorsed

Democratic presidential candidate Barack
Obama
.

The group presented the
endorsement at a series of events in battleground states that featured prominent Democrats, such as New Mexico Gov. Bill
Richardson and former EPA Administrato
r Carol Browner.

I
n recent months, LCV leaders have been critical of

Republican
candidate John
McCain, but most of the group's on
-
the
-
ground operations have focused on voter education
.

LCV officials said
they picked the Illinois senator based on his pro
posals for addressing climate change and renewable energy and based on the
group's belief that Obama is committed to drastically altering public policy in those areas
.

"Barack Obama has been a committed
leader and has offered bold and comprehensive propos
als when it comes to global warming, energy and the environment,"
Browner said at a Washington event. "John McCain, whose plan will be a continuation of Bush
-
era political gimmicks, will carry
on Bush's legacy of failure when it comes to energy policy."

L
CV President Gene Karpinski said the group will launch a
campaign to highlight differences between Obama and McCain, but he would not say how much the group would spend on the
race or in what states. The group will also continue to spend its resources on k
ey Senate races, such as those in Colorado and New
Mexico, he said.

"We're going to do a series of activities to make sure in key states around the country voters are contacted in
various different ways and are educated about the important differences bet
ween the records of the two candidates," Karpinski
said. "We also ... have made it a top priority getting 60 pro
-
environment votes in the Senate."

LCV intends to add Obama to its
"Give Green" initiative, which allows individuals to direct money toward a s
mall number of pro
-
environment candidates
. The
initiative has raised almost $25,000 for 20 congressional candidates.



Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

7

Uniq


A2 the race is over



Despite a substantial lead for Obama, the race isn’t over

Stuart Rothenberg, 7/7/08, Editor


Rothenberg Po
litical Report

“Where the Race for The White House Stands Right Now,” Roll Call


This isn't a tough climb for McCain
-

it's a veritable Mount Everest
.

And yet, it's simply too soon to declare the presidential race
over
.
Especially since it has barely beg
un
.

Unlike many other kinds of elections, the presidential race is to a large extent about the
candidates
.
McCain's own image is much better than his party's, and for all of Obama's strengths and appeal, the Democrat isn't
without liabilities and weakness
es
.

Obama's race will limit his appeal to some voters, who will have greater difficulty relating to
him than they would a white candidate. And even if you strongly disagree that he is "arrogant" or "elitist," as some of his
opponents have said, it's certa
inly true that he lacks the warmth that some politicians possess.

Questions about Obama's
experience and readiness for the presidency still need to be answered. And, of course, his positions on issues (to the extent

that he
is forced to discuss them in de
tail) could limit some of his appeal.

The Electoral College could help McCain, if the national
numbers stay close
.
While, even in a close race, he may lose a couple of states that Bush won in 2000

(Colorado and Virginia
certainly are possibilities),
Michi
gan seems less than secure in the Democratic column
.

Ultimately, McCain's chances depend on
voters being uncertain about Obama's readiness for the job and uncomfortable with him as president. And, of course, McCain mu
st
deflect Democratic efforts to portr
ay him merely as a successor to Bush and the traditional Republican agenda.

Obviously, the
2008 race for the White House could blow open between now and Election Day
.
But even if that doesn't happen, the underlying
fundamentals make an Obama victory more
likely
.
Still it isn't inevitable, and that's more than enough reason to continue
monitoring the race closely
.




Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

8

Link


Alternative Energy Popular



Americans willing to support the plan even if it costs them money

Deanna Glick, 10/10/07, Staff Writer



Americans willing to pay to fight global warming,” Green Daily http://www.greendaily.com/2007/10/10/americans
-
willing
-
to
-
pay
-
to
-
fight
-
global
-
warming/


According to recent published reports, an American majority would pay higher taxes

or accept a higher pri
ce on a new home,
if it
meant the added money was going toward energy efficiency improvements that would reduce greenhouse gas emissions linked to
global warming
. The report is the result of a new poll by GfK Public Affairs and the Yale School of Forestry
& Environmental
Studies. "City and local leaders are critical players in the effort to reduce global warming, and it's clear that their cons
tituents want
action," said Anthony Leiserowitz, director of Yale Project on Climate Change, one of the sponsors of

the groundbreaking survey
measuring public opinion of local government
-
led green initiatives. "
The public is on board and willing to help foot the bill
. All
that's left to do now is act." A nice thought. But if we wait for government subsidies to come al
ong as the answer to our
environmental crisis, we're likely to end up buried in our own garbage. What this poll tells me is
Americans are simply more
willing to pay more money for a better environment

than spend a little extra time doing the many things th
at don't cost anything
in
order to lessen our impact on the Earth
: driving more fuel
-
efficient cars or using compact fluorescent light bulbs, for example. Is
the American majority employing these practices? I have no way of knowing about the latter, but SU
V sales seem pretty stable
these days.



Voters support renewable energy


see it as key issue in the election

Agriculture Online 3/6/06

“Survey shows public support for renewable energy,” www.agriculture.com/ag/story.jhtml?storyid=/templatedata/ag/story/
data/1141846987064.xml&catref=ag1001


A new national public opinion survey demonstrates overwhelming public support for government policies and
investments that will support development of renewable energy sources like solar, wind and ethanol
. "This survey

underscores a major shift in public opinion," says Read Smith, co
-
chair of the 25 x '25 Work Group, an organization that
would like to see the US to get 25% of all energy from renewable resources by the year 2025. "Americans want to invest
in renewable en
ergy right here at home so that we are less dependent on countries in unfriendly and unstable parts of the
world." Survey results were released today at the 25x'25 Agriculture and Forestry Renewable Energy Summit. Among the
findings: Ninety
-
eight percent o
f voters see a national goal of having 25% of our domestic energy needs met by renewable
resources by the year 2025 as important for the country, and 74% feel that it is "very important." Ninety percent of voters
believe this goal is achievable. Similar ma
jorities support government action to encourage greater use of renewable
energy: 88% favor financial incentives, and 92% support minimum government standards for the use of renewable energy
by the private sector. Nearly all voters (98%) say the costs, suc
h as the cost of research and development and the cost of
building new renewable energy production facilities, would be worth it to move us toward the 25x'25 goal.
Voters
consider energy to be an important issue facing the country, rating it similarly with

health care, terrorism and national
security, and education, and ahead of taxes and the war in Iraq
. Half (50%) of voters believe America is headed for an
energy crisis in the future, and 35% believe the country already is facing a crisis.
Voters see many

convincing arguments
for a shift to renewable energy
--

the need to reduce U.S. dependence on foreign oil, protection of the environment for
future generations, the readiness of these technologies to contribute today, and the opportunities they present to

create new
jobs, especially in rural communities
.


Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

9

Link


Alternative Energy Popular



Alternative energy policies are massively popular

New York Times, 4/27/07

“Public Says Warming Is a Problem, but Remains Split on Response,” l/n


Americans broadly sup
port using renewable energy sources like solar and wind power and say fueling vehicles with
ethanol
, which is now made largely from corn,
is a good idea
, the survey found.

They also are nearly evenly split on
building nuclear power plants to reduce relia
nce on imported energy sources. When asked whether they would accept a
nuclear plan in their community, they said no, 59 percent to 36 percent.

The nationwide telephone poll was conducted
Friday to Tuesday with 1,052 adults. The margin
-
of
-
sampling error
is plus or minus three percentage points.

Nearly four
of five of those polled said they believed that the condition of the air, water, land and wildlife around the world was fair
or
poor. One percent rated global environmental quality as excellent, and 19

percent called it good. But 56 percent said the
environmental condition in their communities was excellent or good.

Despite general optimism about their children’s
future found in other surveys, respondents in this poll said by 57 percent to 11 percent t
hat the condition of the
environment would be worse for the next generation.

Fifty
-
two percent said that generally speaking they would support
protecting the environment over stimulating the economy
. Thirty
-
six percent chose the economy. But respondents a
lso
said, 62 percent to 21 percent, that developing new energy sources was more important than protecting the environment.

Yet they also expressed the belief that the government should encourage conservation over increasing development of
additional ener
gy sources. By a substantial margin, Americans continue to oppose drilling for oil and natural gas in the
Arctic National Wildlife Refuge in Alaska, as they have for the last six years.

Although respondents split almost evenly
on whether Washington can ef
fectively address global warming, they almost unanimously (92 percent to 6 percent)
supported requiring automobile manufacturers to make more fuel
-
efficient cars.

There is more opposition to using fossil
fuels among Democrats than Republicans. Fifty
-
four
percent of Democrats consider using coal to generate electricity to be
a bad idea, compared with 39 percent of Republicans. Sixty
-
one percent of Republicans favor using natural gas to
generate power, while Democrats divided, with 42 percent saying it is a
good idea and 45 percent opposing it.

Americans
almost universally support developing alternative energy sources like wind or solar power and biofuels, with 87 percent
expressing approval
. But fewer than 10 percent of those polled said they used any alter
native energy source at home.



Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

10

Link


Warming Policies Popular



Policies to address global warming are popular among voters across all parties

New York Times, 4/27/07

“Public Says Warming Is a Problem, but Remains Split on Response,” l/n


Americans in
large bipartisan numbers say the heating of the earth’s atmosphere is having serious effects on the
environment now or will soon and think that it is necessary to take immediate steps to reduce its effects
, the latest New
York Times/CBS News poll finds.

N
inety percent of Democrats, 80 percent of independents and 60 percent of
Republicans said immediate action was required to curb the warming of the atmosphere and deal with its effects on the
global climate
. Nineteen percent said it was not necessary to act

now, and 1 percent said no steps were needed.




Massive public support for policies to combat global warming

WPO ‘6

[World Public Opinion; “World Publics Willing to Bear Costs of Combating Climate Change”; 10
-
11
-
2006;
http://www.worldpublicopinion.org/
pipa/articles/btenvironmentra/255.php?lb=bte&pnt=255&nid=&id=]


Concern about global warming has increased sharply in the United States. Nearly half of the American public sees climate chan
ge as a
critical threat to vital U.S. interests.

The U.S. public is

not alone
. A multinational poll by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs finds
that global warming is a big concern among the Chinese and the Indian publics and is viewed especially urgently by South Kore
ans
and Australians. Only small minorities in the U
nited States and the other countries surveyed think that evidence for global warming is
too weak to justify measures that might entail economic costs. Many Americans, Australians and the Chinese agree that action
needs
to be taken now, even if it involves
significant expenditures
. Indians prefer a more gradual approach. More Americans See Global
Warming as Threat
American concern about global warming has surged nine points since 2004, when only 37 percent believed global
warning put U.S. vital interests at

risk
. The Chicago Council’s 2006 survey shows that 46 percent of Americans now consider climate
change menacing, raising it to the upper half of international threats. Asked to choose the argument that comes closest to t
heir opinion
about global warming,

only 17 percent of Americans agree that “until we are sure that global warming is really a problem, we should
not take any steps that would have economic costs.” Thirty
-
seven percent think that the problem of global warming should be
addressed but that “i
ts effects will be gradual, so we can deal with the problem gradually.” The highest percentage (43%) says global
warming is “a serious and pressing problem. We should begin taking steps now even if this involves significant costs.” This
percentage is up 9
points from the 34 percent willing to pay significant costs in a Program on International Policy Attitudes (PIPA)
poll taken in June 2005.


Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

11

Link


RPS popular



Public support for renewable energy mandate stronger than ever

Joshua Fershee 08, Assistant
Professor of Law, University of North Dakota School of Law

May 17, 2008, p. http://www.redorbit.com/news/business/1390130/changing_resources_changing_market/


Public opinion polls, growing support from utilities, and continually increasing state RPS legisl
ation indicate that support for a
renewable energy mandate is stronger than ever.

However, opposition remains strong. Rightly or wrongly,
the majority of Americans
appear ready to take a calculated risk to find out if renewable energy can fulfill its promi
se. The question remains: Is Congress?


Considerable bipartisan voter support for a national RPS

Facilities Net 07


"Poll Shows Bipartisan Support for National Renewable Electricity Standard." Facilities Net. 15 Nov. 2007. 28 June 2008
<http://www.facilit
iesnet.com/news/article.asp?id=7875>.


A recent poll of potential 2008 voters found that Americans across the political spectrum support a new national standard for

renewable electricity like those already in place in more than 20 states.

The poll
,

commiss
ioned by the American Wind Energy
Association,

documents growing support for renewable energy and growing concern about energy independence as top domestic
priorities for potential 2008 voters
.

Highlights of the survey include:

-

93 percent of conservative
s agreed that energy independence
“should be the government’s top priority”
-

77 percent of Republicans, 86 percent of Southerners, 83 percent of those in military
families, 77 percent of self
-
identified conservatives, 81 percent of rural voters, 85 percen
t of independent voters and 92 percent of
Democrats agreed that the Federal government should follow the lead of a number of states that now require at least some of t
heir
electricity come from renewable sources such as wind and solar


RPS has proven popu
lar with the American public

Barry Rabe 07 , Professor in the Gerald Ford School of Public Policy at the University of Michigan

June 8, 2007, p. http://www.earthtimes.org/articles/show/70819.html


Despite failure of similar legislation in the past, the
pr
ospects for approval look good this year
, said Barry Rabe, professor in the
Gerald Ford School of Public Policy at the University of Michigan.
"These policies have proven popular in a number of states," he
said. "The majority of American citizens already l
ive in Congressional districts with an RPS." And it looks like more states will join
their ranks this year, namely Michigan, North Carolina and Illinois, where legislators are considering making the current vol
untary
standard mandatory.


Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

12

Link


RPS Popul
ar


There is
massive

bipartisan support for a national RPS among potential voters

AWEA, 7

(American Wind Energy Association, “New Poll Shows Overwhelming Bipartisan Support for National Renewable Electricity Standar
d,” 11
-
13
-
2007,
www.awea.org/newsroom/re
leases/Poll_Shows_Bipartisan_Support_111207.html) // JMP


A new poll of potential 2008 voters by Zogby International found that Americans across the political spectrum support a new
national standard for renewable electricity like those already in place i
n more than 20 states. The poll
, commissioned by the
American Wind Energy Association,
documents
growing

support

for renewable energy and growing concern about energy
independence as top domestic priorities for potential 2008 voters.

Highlights of the sur
vey include:

93 percent of conservatives agreed that energy independence “should be the government’s top priority”;

77 percent of Republicans, 86 percent of Southerners, 83 percent of those in military families, 77 percent of self
-
identified
conservatives,

81 percent of rural voters, 85 percent of independent voters and 92 percent of Democrats agreed that the Federal
government should follow the lead of a number of states that now require at least some of their electricity come from renewab
le
sources

such a
s wind and solar; and

64 percent of those polled disagree with the proposition that the federal government is doing enough to promote clean renewab
le
energy.

“This demonstrates the
tremendous

level

of

bipartisan

support

across

our

nation

for a renewable e
lectricity standard”

commented
Representative Tom Udall (D
-
NM), who authored the renewable electricity standard provision approved by the House of
Representatives earlier this year.
“It is crystal clear the public wants Congressional action to increase the

role of clean domestic
energy,

like wind and solar power, in meeting America’s electricity needs. The House took an important step towards that goal in
August, and it is critical that a renewable electricity standard be included in any final energy packag
e that comes to the floor.”



RPS is popular with the public

UPI, 7

(Rosalie, Westenskow, United Press International, “Analysis: Nation ripe for a federal RPS,” 6
-
8
-
2007,
http://www.upi.com/Energy/Analysis/2007/06/08/analysis_nation_ripe_for_a_federal_rp
s/4681/) // JMP


Despite failure of similar legislation in the past, the prospects for approval look good this year, said Barry Rabe, professo
r in the
Gerald Ford School of Public Policy at the University of Michigan.

"These policies have proven popular in

a number of states,"

he said.
"The majority of American citizens already live in
Congressional districts with an RPS."



Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

13

Link


Wind Popular



Wind energy is farming public support

EEC ‘7

[Endless Energy Corporation; “General Wind Farm Public Support”;
Last updated Spring 2007; Accessed June 24, 2008;
http://www.endlessenergy.com/general_public_support.shtml
]


Public approval for wind projects usually starts high

(before the project
is started)
and support consistently increases after the wind
farm is constructed
. Once the wind farm is built, many who were opposed to wind energy change their opinion and decide to support
the wind farm
.
In

Searsburg,
Vermont, the wind farm project had
a 66% approval / neutral rating before construction and 83%
afterwards. Other projects have had similar results
.


Wind farming popular with the public

DoE ‘5

[U.S. Department of Energy; “Wind Energy Benefits”; National Renewable Energy Laboratory; April
2005; http://www.nrel.gov/docs/fy05osti/37602.pdf]


The people want wind energy
.
Because of all the reasons listed above, along with
concern over debilitating illnesses associated with
air pollutants, wind has overwhelming public support
. Many people expre
ss their support by purchasing blocks of wind energy to
power their homes or businesses. Xcel Energy’s Windsource, the largest customer
-
driven wind energy program in the nation (more
than 30,000 participants), experienced 30% annual growth from 1998 to 200
3.
Deliberative public polling in Texas7 and Nebraska8
demonstrated overwhelming support of wind energy as an element of the generation portfolio. Because customers want wind as a
portion of their electricity portfolio, more than 300 utilities currently of
fer green pricing programs that include wind energy.


Public support for wind energy


public opinion increases after implementation

AWEA ‘7

[America Wind Energy Association; “Wind Energy Policy Issues”; Last updated 2007;
http://www.awea.org/faq/wwt_policy.html#What%20is%20net%20metering%20(net%20billing)%20and%20how%20does%20it%20work
]


Wind energy is one of the most pop
ular energy technologies. Opinion surveys regularly show that just over eight out of 10 people
(80%) are in favor of wind energy, and less than one in ten (around 5%) are against
it. The rest are undecided.
Public opinion in
support of wind power tends to
become even more strongly in favor once the wind turbines are installed and operating
, a finding from
several surveys carried out in the UK and in Spain. Some people who live near proposed wind projects may be apprehensive abou
t
them. But

when accurate inf
ormation and knowledge is made available, experience shows that initial concerns are reduced and support
for wind farms increases.

Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

14

Link


Wind Popular


The production tax credit is largely bipartisan

Real de Azua in 1
--
Communications Coordinator and Inte
rnational Policy Analyst, AmericanWind Energy Association

(Christine, Tulane Environmental Law Journal, “The Future of Wind Energy”, Summer 2001, Lexis Nexis)


The
federal wind energy PTC enjoys
solid

bipartisan

support.

A PTC extension bill was sponsored

in the Senate in the 106th
Congress by Senators Grassley (R
-
IA), Jeffords (R
-
VT), Conrad (D
-
ND), and in the House by Representatives Thomas (R
-
CA)
and Matsui (D
-
CA). 101
Extension of the PTC was one of the very few specific environmental provisions includ
ed in both the
Democratic and the Republican Party platforms in the 2000 Presidential elections
. 102 Although the outlook for an extension
appears good, the vagaries of the political process, particularly in the divided 107th Congress, are likely to preven
t an extension of
the PTC from being adopted early in the legislative process, thereby casting uncertainty once again upon proposals for the
installation of new wind plants in 2002.



PTC has bipartisan support

Refocus 03

(“Boom or Bust? Which way are U.S
. winds blowing?”, Renewable Energy Focus, August, ScienceDirect)


While the PTC cycle wreaks havoc on business planning, there is a clear sense amongst industry players that it will always be

extended. Generally, the PTC has
strong

bi
-
partisan

support

wit
hin the government
and

receives

minimal

negative

media.

Complications often arise with the bills that accompany its passage, as well as the lack of a committed federal level renewab
le
energy framework. The concern thus lies, not with PTC extensions itself,

but rather with the timing of the extension.

This has the
effect of placing a primacy on proper project pacing


which is essentially the trademark of the industry today. Instead of a sustained and stable level of growth in
development and construction ac
tivity, activity ebbs and flows with the PTC cycle. Projects are fast
-
tracked or slow
-
tracked and employees laid
-
off or hired in a
frenzy (or plenty of overtime required for existing employees) depending on the PTC timing.



Massive public support for wind

energy

Levesque 7

American Wind Energy Association, (“Does the Passage of a Stripped
-
Down Energy Bill Mean Momentum is
Lost
for Renewables?” December 19,
http://www.renewable
energyworld.com/rea/news/ate/story?id=50920
, rday)


That drumbeat

to which Reid was referring
is the voice of the public. Survey after survey shows that Americans support the
enactment of policy that will provide them with clean, renewable energy. It sho
uld come as no surprise, then, that other members
of Congress have said they expected the issues to return as well
. Senator Jeff
Bingaman (D
-
N.M.), for one, told reporters he would
push for renewables legislation in 2008
.
So while politics, unfortunately,
certainly can prove victorious in a near
-
term battle,
public

sentiment

will

inevitably

demand

further attention to what matters most in their eyes.



Massive democratic support for wind energy

Levesque 7

American Wind Energy Association, (“Does the Passag
e of a Stripped
-
Down Energy Bill Mean Momentum is
Lost
for Renewables?” December 19,
http://www.renewableenergyworld.com/rea/news/ate/story?id=50920
, rday)


Not at all. In fa
ct,
momentum for an RES and a full
-
value, long
-
term PTC continues to build, even as politics put a speed bump in
their path for the near
-
term. Almost the moment the Senate voted to remove the tax title containing the PTC, Majority Leader
Harry Reid (D
-
Nev.
) made clear that he and the Senate would return to the issue in 2008.

"
If President Bush thinks we'll stop fighting to end Big Oil giveaways
-
so that we can invest more in clean
-
energy innovation
-
he is
mistaken,
" said Reid. "
And if Senate Republicans think

this is the last they'll hear of the renewable electricity standard, they are
mistaken, too.

Republicans may have blocked these priorities for now, but
the drumbeat for change is far too loud and far too
strong for them to keep blocking much longer."



Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

15

L
ink


SPS popular


The public supports space solar power


the plan will make it an election issue

Snead, 07
-

Aerospace

engineer and consultant focusing on Near
-
future space infrastructure development (Mike, “Space solar
power and America's energy future
(Part 3)”, 12/23, Spacefaring America Blog,
http://spacefaringamerica.net/2007/12/23/19
--
space
-
solar
-
power
-
and
-
americas
-
energy
-
future
-
part
-
3.
aspx
)


Whether intentional or not,
the U.S.
-
led effort to delay adoption of specific quantitative reductions in "greenhouse gas" emissions
will move this debate squarely into the U.S. presidential campaign.

Already, eco
-
activists are initiating a write
-
in

campaign for
former Vice President Al Gore in the upcoming New Hampshire presidential primary to help highlight global warming as a
political issue. While probably too late to impact the primaries,
this issue may arise during the fall's campaign.

How shou
ld the U.S. respond to the demands of most other nations that we cut our greenhouse gas emissions by 25
-
40 percent
within 12 years? The stage has been set for the next president to squarely address this issue and to deal with the selected
implementation th
roughout their administration. Add this to the issues of U.S. dependency on imported petroleum,
the high cost of
petroleum,

and the pending world
-
wide shortage of conventional oil, and it is possible that energy
and the environment could
move to center sta
ge of the American presidential campaign. Voters may see this as a central "pocket
-
book" issue with greater
personal importance than Iraq and illegal immigration.

Bali's impact on the potential for space solar power

What is important to advocates of space
solar power is that, returning to the list of selection criteria for future energy sources,
the
public's feelings regarding energy acceptability is moving towards the acceptance of the need for new energy sources. Thus, t
he
public may be open to new inform
ation on space solar power as a new and acceptable energy source.

Heightened Congressional
interest in how the U.S. will respond to the Bali and the likely debates of this issue during the fall will provide an import
ant
opportunity to introduce

and expand
on the discussions of the potential of
space solar power
for meeting mid
-

and far
-
term U.S.
and world energy needs.



Solar
-
powered technologies are becoming extremely popular with the public

New York Times, 98
(
Barbara Flanagan, “Public Eye; Still Reachin
g for the Sun,” Section F; Page 2; Column 5, LN) // DCM


<As for the transformation of daily life
--

the one foretold in the 1970's, when solar
-
energy zealots worshiped clunky black panels
and declared independence from fossil fuels
--

it is once again in
sight
. This time around, the show declares,
the design
possibilities are endless. So are the global perks

(cleaner air, fewer oil wars). No, really.

Solar power as a source of electricity was discovered in 1839, refined for satellites in the 1950's, and la
tely has been engineered into glass panels for the rising office tower at Four Times Square designed by Fox &
Fowle Architects with Kiss & Cathcart Architects.

But only
over the last few years have scientists figured out how to make photovoltaic material

-
-

now a thin black film that can be
attached to other materials
--

turn sunlight into electricity affordably.

The Energy Department and BP Solar (a subsidiary of British Petroleum, and a manufacturer of
photovoltaics) helped sponsor this traveling exhibiti
on to spread the news: this is not your father's solar energy.

It is not your father's old museum fare either. Lucy Fellowes, who shaped the exhibition over four years, did more than the s
tandard curatorial sweep. Yes, Ms. Fellowes, the museum's curator fo
r special projects,
created a time line of solar history and collected solar
-
powered products and prototypes (lawn mower, lantern, call box, computer, lights and so on). But there is plenty of innovatio
n, too.

She commissioned two forward
-
looking New York
architects to design the exhibition and to create two original structures using photovoltaics in new ways. Early on, the exhi
bition and its message became a
collaborative mission.

Nicholas Goldsmith, of FTL Happold Architects and Engineers, designed the ga
rden's most imposing structure: a 30
-
foot
-
high solar tensile pavilion, a fabric tent laminated with photovoltaic film five
-
thousandths of an
inch thick. At night, the film electrifies a display of red lights.

The show's timing is fortuitous. At the apex of

a stock market that has financed a cavalcade of giant gas guzzlers and small electronic consumables, "Under the Sun" offers a

change of perspective. Refreshingly, it
involves no recycled garbage.

Its wonders may be arriving just in time.

After a decade of

techno
-
ennui
--

the fatigue of being startled by an onslaught of PC's, laptops, cell
phones, satellites, lasers
--

users are jaded. Cash
-
machine cards in hand, they stand ready to be wowed,

then bored, then wowed again by the next
barrage of personal gadg
ets in black or taupe. Is that all there is?

What is missing is awe. It takes something like this exhibition to show off the poetry of solar energy
.

When designers express the link between earth and sky, between the
sun and our insatiable need for power, t
he trick can be downright thrilling.>



Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

16

Link


SPS popular


The media will spin the plan positively

NSSO, 7
(National Security Space Office, Report to the Director, “Space
-
Based Solar Power As an Opportunity for Strategic
Security; Phase 0 Architecture Fe
asibility Study” October 10, 2007, http://www.nss.org/settlement/ssp/library/final
-
sbsp
-
interim
-
assessment
-
release
-
01.pdf)








Nevertheless,
DoD review team leaders were virtually overwhelmed by the interest in Space

Based Solar Power that they
disco
vered
.
What began as a small e

mail group became unmanageable as the social network & map

of

expertise expanded and word spread. To cope, study leaders were forced to move to an on

line
collaborative group with nearly daily requests for new account access,

ultimately growing to over 170 aerospace and policy experts all contributing pro

bono. This group became so large, and the need to more closely
examine certain questions so acute, that the group had to be split into four additional groups.

As word spread
and enthusiasm grew in the space advocacy community,
study leaders were invited to further expand to an open web log in collaboration with the Space Frontier Foundation. The amou
nt
of media interest was substantial
.
Activity was so intense that total e

mai
l traffic for the study leads could be as high as 200 SBSP

related e

mails a day, and the sources of interest were very
diverse.

There was clear interest from potential military ground customers

the Army, Marines, and USAF Security Forces, and installation
s personnel, all of which have an interest in clean, low environmental

impact energy
sources, and especially sources that are agile without a long, vulnerable, and continuing logistics chain.

There was clear interest from both traditional “big aerospace,”
and the entrepreneurial space community. Individuals from each of the major American aerospace companies participated and con
tributed. The subject was
an agenda item for the Space Resources Roundtable, a dedicated industry group.

Study leaders were made aw
are of significant and serious discussions between aerospace companies and several major energy and construction companies bo
th in and outside of United States.

As the study progressed the study team was invited to brief in various policy circles and think

tanks, including the Marshall Institute, the Center for the Study of the Presidency, the Energy Consensus Group, the
National Defense Industry Association, the Defense Science Board, the Department of Commerce’s Office of Commercial Space, an
d the Office
of Science and Technology Policy (OSTP).

Interest in the idea was exceptionally strong in the space advocacy community, particularly in the Space Frontier Foundation
(SFF), National Space Society (NSS), Space Development Steering Committee, and
Aerospace T
echnology Working Group (ATWG), all of which hosted or participated in events related to this subject during the study period
..

There is reason to think that this interest may extend to the greater public. The most recent survey indicating public intere
st
in SBSP was conducted in 2005 when respondents were asked where they prefer to see their
space tax dollars spent. The most popular response was collecting energy from space, with support from 35% of those polled

twice the support for the second most popula
r response, planetary defense (17%)

and
three times the support for the current space exploration goals of the Moon (4%) / Mars(10%).

How does one account for such significant interest? Perhaps it is because

SBSP

lies “at the intersection of missionary and

mercenary”

appealing both to man’s idealism and pragmatism,

the United States’ special
mission in the world and her citizens’ faith in business and technology. As an ambitious and optimistic project, it

excites the imagination with its scale and grandeur,

besting
America’s previous projects, and opening new frontiers
.

Such interest goes directly to the concerns of the Aerospace commission, which stated, “The aerospace industry has always bee
n a reflection of the spirit of America. It has been, and continue
s to be, a sector of pioneers
drawn to the challenge of new frontiers in science, air, space, and engineering.

For this nation to maintain its present proud heritage and leadership in the global
arena, we must remain dedicated to a strong and prosperous ae
rospace industry. A healthy and vigorous aerospace industry also
holds a promise for the future, by kindling a passion within our youth that beckons them to reach for the stars and

thereby assure
our nation’s destiny.”



Plan popular with the public

Pfaltz
graf & Van Cleave, 7

-
*

Shelby Cullom Davis Professor of International Security Studies The Fletcher School, Tufts
University and President Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis and ** Professor Emeritus Department of Defense and Strategic
Studies Missouri

State University (
Dr. Robert L.

Pfaltzgraf and Dr. William R. Van Cleave, Independent Working Group, “Missile Defense, The Space
Relationship, and the 21
st

Century”, 2007, http://www.ifpa.org/pdf/IWGreport.pdf.) //WCH




Despite the political obstacles,
there is a desire within the general American public to maintain space superiority, including the
deployment of space
-
based missile defense. If the United States is perceived as no longer dominant in space, many people will
want to know how and why such do
minance was lost and what needs to be done to restore it.




Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

17

A2


oil lobby link turn



Campaign contributions aren’t key to success and the lobby still gives even when it doesn’t get its way

Lindsay Renick Mayer, 11/23/07 Reporter


Center for Responsi
ve Politics

“Big Oil, Big Influence,” PBS, http://www.pbs.org/now/shows/347/oil
-
politics.html


Campaign contributions don't always get the oil industry desired results. Many of the oil industry chieftains, who were pushi
ng to
open ANWR for exploration, we
re disappointed when the 2005 energy bill came out of conference committee without that
provision. Nor, do campaign contributions always get the industry's favorite candidates elected. Four of five of Big Oil's mo
st
favored candidates

all Republicans

lost
their re
-
election races in 2006, despite hefty campaign contributions from oil and gas
employees and PACs that cycle. The losers included Sens. Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania, Conrad Burns of Montana, George
Allen of Virginia and James Talent of Missouri.



Anti
-
oil lobby is the strongest group in washington

William L. Anderson 1/3/02, Scholar


Mises Institute and Professor of Economics


Frostburg State University

"The Oil Dependency Myth." Ludwig von Mises Institute, http://mises.org/story/861


If Feldst
ein and other "energy independence" advocates wish to ask us to believe that domestically produced oil will not be held
hostage to politics, they are either naïve or stupid.
The single most powerful lobby in Washington, D.C., is the green lobby, and
enviro
nmentalists are much more hostile to the energy needs of our economy than are even the most anti
-
American Middle
Easterners.

Obtaining crude oil means someone has to drill, and most oil
-
producing or potential oil
-
producing lands in this country
are the pro
perty of the national government, which means that by definition, drilling and exploration in those areas will be
determined by the political process.



Democratic control means Big Oil is weak politically

Lindsay Renick Mayer, 11/23/07, Reporter


Center
for Responsive Politics

“Big Oil, Big Influence,” PBS, http://www.pbs.org/now/shows/347/oil
-
politics.html


With Democrats now in control of Congress, the oil and gas industry is finding that it's getting less for its money on Capito
l Hill.
Other industrie
s with competing interests and far less cash to spread around, such as environmental groups and alternative energy
producers, are now finding more support for their legislative goals. For example, the Clean Energy Act of 2007 seeks to repea
l the
2004 and 2
005 tax breaks to Big Oil and re
-
direct the money to renewable energy efforts.


Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

18

IL


Energy policy key


Energy policy will decide the election. Currently Obama is leading, but McCain can gain the advantage

Roll Call 7/21/08

“Energy Politics Debated,” l/n


Democrats and Republicans on the Hill are calling on their presidential candidates to turn up the volume in the fight over ho
w to
lower gas prices, as the two parties ratchet up their partisan rhetoric on the issue.

Even as lawmakers have been engaging
in a
battle royal over soaring energy

costs, the campaigns of both presumptive nominees
, Sens. John McCain (R
-
Ariz.) and Barack
Obama (D
-
Ill.),
have focused on foreign policy for the past few weeks
.
That has some lawmakers scratching their heads
.

“If I
w
ere running for president, I’d sure be talking more about energy. It’s all I’m hearing about back home,” House Republican
Conference Chairman Adam Putnam (Fla.) said. “And you can’t talk about foreign policy without talking about energy.”

T
he
issue has be
en more pronounced for Republicans, who believe they have Democrats on the defensive
, given polls showing
increased public support for more domestic oil and gas drilling


an issue the GOP has championed but one Democrats have tried
to sidestep.


It’s mor
e of a problem that [the McCain campaign is] not holding Obama accountable for what his views are
,” said a
senior Senate GOP aide. “
This is an issue where there should be a distinct contrast between McCain and Obama
.
There should be a
drumbeat
.”

Hill Demo
crats counter that Obama has his own argument to make
. They charge that with two oilmen in the White
House presiding over the runup in energy costs,
Republicans have lost credibility on the issue
.
A June
Washington Post
-
ABC
News
poll showed Obama claiming
a 20
-
point advantage over McCain on the question of which candidate voters trust more to
address gas prices
.

Congressional partisans of both stripes said the problem is not that Obama and McCain haven’t both laid out
plans for dealing with the energy cris
is
. McCain has been talking about his “Lexington Project” energy plan since late June, and
Obama gave a speech on his proposals on July 11 in Dayton, Ohio.

But members of both parties said neither has taken the
bullhorn available to presidential candidate
s to get voters to zero in on their respective plans
.

Privately, Democrats have been
frustrated that Obama took such a long time to come out with a comprehensive energy policy and that his new plan appeared to
be
more about checking the box than engaging
in a larger national debate on the issue.

“It’s extremely detailed, but he hasn’t put the
necessary amplification behind it,” one Senate Democratic aide complained.

The aide added, “A lot of Democrats were waiting
for him to come out with something, and
he left us flat
-
footed. ... We didn’t want to step on his toes, and now, we have some
ground to make up.”

Republicans
, meanwhile,
said McCain could compete against Obama on domestic issues by ramping up the
energy debate
.


The presidential candidate who
convinces the public he has a bona fide plan for energy independence will win
,”
said Rep. John Peterson (R
-
Pa.), who, with Rep. Neil Abercrombie (D
-
Hawaii), recently formed a bipartisan working group to
craft a new energy policy.
Peterson said he has been
urging the McCain camp to get more specific in its energy prescriptions and
to devote more attention to the issue on the stump
. “That’s what people want to talk about,” he said.



Energy is key to a McCain victory

Prairie Pundit 7/21/08

“Make Obama the Is
sue,” prairiepundit.blogspot.com/2008/07/make
-
obama
-
issue.html


This echoes some of the theme of Novak's speech to the Defending the American Dream Summit Friday evening. While I agree
with some of the premise, I think
there are other opportunities for Rep
ublicans that need to be an issue
.
At the top is energy
.
While
McCain is an imperfect messenger on that issue he is better than Obama
.
The Democrats and Obama are so far on the wrong side
of the issue on energy that a good campaign should defeat them from

top to bottom
. The Democrats are in trouble on this issue
because their position is so nonsensical. They want to sue OPEC for not producing more while at the same time refusing to
produce our own oil and gas. How can you take that as a serious policy? The
y block production of every energy available, but
biofuels which they ware subsidizing to the detriment of the world's food supply.



Energy policy key to the election


will affect 9 out of 10 votes

U.S. News & World Report 7/21/08

“Protecting Mother Nat
ure,” l/n


Now that there is consensus that global climate change is happening, the real debate is how the next president will address i
t.
Several recent developments, including record oil prices, rapidly rising energy demand, and a growing awareness of th
e impact of
fossil fuel use on the Earth, have provided ample evidence that energy and environment challenges are intimately connected an
d
require a coordinated response. Voters, meanwhile, are growing more concerned. In June, a Gallup Poll found that 9 of

10 voters
say that high energy costs will influence their vote in November.


Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

19

IL


Energy Policy key


Energy Policy reform is key to a McCain victory

David Brooks, 7/21/08, Syndicated Columnist


New York Times


“The Coming Activist Age; Conservatives Kno
w How to Proceed Cautiously with Change,” Pittsburgh
-
Post Gazette, l/n


Two of the most prominent conservative reformers

were Benjamin Disraeli and Theodore Roosevelt. Both
reframed the political
debate so that it was not change versus the status quo, it w
as unfamiliar change versus cautious, patriotic change designed to
preserve the traditional virtues of the nation
.

Disraeli inherited a British Conservative Party that was a political club for the
landowning class. He created One Nation Conservatism, a re
minder that Britain was one community, with a sense of mutual
responsibility across classes. Then, at the pinnacle of his career, he embraced reform, expanding the franchise to the social
ly
conservative working class.

Disraeli saw this change as a way to
restore ancient glories. Or, as he put it: "In a progressive country,
change is constant; and the great question is not whether you should resist change, which is inevitable, but whether that cha
nge
should be carried out in deference to the manners, the cu
stoms, the laws and traditions of a people, or whether it should be carried
out in deference to abstract principles, and arbitrary and general doctrines."

Like Disraeli, Roosevelt was a romantic nationalist.
While the more progressive reformers spoke the
international language of modernization, Roosevelt spoke the language of highly
charged Americanism.

He believed private property was the basis of American greatness. He built his persona around the classic
American icons: the cowboy, fighter and pioneer.

He defended his initiatives as the way to maintain the economic and social
order. People had enough change in their lives; they were looking for government that could preserve the way things already w
ere.
If the trusts threatened the traditional small
-
bu
siness man, he would take on the trusts. If industrialism threatened the natural
landscape, he would become a preservationist.

His formula was like Disraeli's: political innovation to restore traditional national
morality. He had an image of an American h
ero
--

thrifty, hard
-
working, vigorous and righteous
--

and sought to create a Square
Deal for that sort of person. "The true function of the state as it interferes in social life," Roosevelt wrote, "should be t
o make the
chances of competition more even,
not to abolish them."

John
McCain's challenge is to re
-
create this model
.
He will never get as
many cheers in Germany as

Barack
Obama, but for a century his family has embodied American heroism
.
He will never seem as
young and forward
-
leaning as his oppon
ent, but he did have his values formed in an age that people now look back to with
respect
.

T
he high point of his campaign, so far, has been his energy policy, which is comprehensive and bold, but does not try to
turn us into a nation of bicyclists
.
It do
es not view America's energy
-
intense economy as a sign of sinfulness
.

If

Mr.
McCain is
going to win this election, it will be because he can communicate an essential truth
--

that people in a great and successful nation
do not want change for its own sake
.
But they do realize that it's only through careful reform that they can preserve what they and
their ancestors have so laboriously built
.



Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

20

IL


Bush popularity key



Popular Bush policies will win the Election for McCain

Jonah Goldberg, 6/4/07, Editor


National Review Online


“Political Exit Strategy for Bush,” USA Today http://blogs.usatoday.com/oped/2007/09/political
-
exit
-
.html


At home, Bush's options are far more constrained. But again, Clinton might be the model.
The Democratic Congress is

--

asto
nishingly
--

even more unpopular than

President
Bush
.
If Bush can pick some well
-
chosen fights with Congress
, ideally over
spending,
he might at least bring back disheartened members of his own political base
. B
ush might also borrow from Clinton's
post
-
19
94 playbook of proposing a lot of small, very popular

(and mostly insipid)
programs and initiatives
. Clinton had his school
uniforms and V
-
chips. Surely the authors of compassionate conservatism could conjure similar treacle.
Ideally, such proposals
would

unite a majority of Americans but divide moderate Democrats from the party's left
-
wing base

(spare me the rending of
clothes and gnashing of teeth over the cruelty of "wedge issues").
A goal: Just change the climate

For example, paying inner
-
city
students

to get good grades
--

a proposal backed by New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg and former U.S. House speaker Newt
Gingrich alike
--

might be a good idea with the added benefit of possibly annoying teacher's unions. Such ideas are hard to come
up with, nev
er mind sell, particularly given Bush's liabilities and the media climate generally. But the president needn't get such
ideas passed, he need only get them discussed in order to recalibrate the political climate more in his favor. It wouldn't be

easy, but
he still has the biggest megaphone in the country. He also holds the veto pen. Bush seemed to have lost it in the Oval Office

couch
cushions for much of his presidency, but the Democratic takeover inspired him to find it.
Given the Democrats' need to placa
te
their own base in order to prove all that effort in '06 was worth it, Bush could have some fat opportunities to rally the maj
ority of
Americans, or at least his own base, to the GOP side
.



Bush’s approval rating is key to a McCain victory

Jonah Goldbe
rg, 6/4/07, Editor


National Review Online

“Political Exit Strategy for Bush,” USA Today http://blogs.usatoday.com/oped/2007/09/political
-
exit
-
.html


President Reagan's historical standing was put on the glide path to greatness in part because his anointe
d successor won the
presidency. If Al Gore had won in 2000, Bill Clinton's legacy would certainly be higher (and it will also improve if Hillary
Clinton
is elected).
The problem for Bush and the GOP is that it seems very unlikely a Republican candidate wil
l have any chance of
winning in 2008 so long as Bush's approval ratings are in the freezing range
. As my colleague Ramesh Ponnuru argues,
Bush's
approval ratings need to be at least in the mid
-
40s for the Republican nominee to have a fighting chance
. But h
ow to get those
numbers up so late in his administration?




Bush’s popularity is key to the election

Oxford Analytica, 5/22/07, international consulting firm

“Despite GOP’s pessimism, party may yet field a winner in ’08 White House race,” The Hill thehill
.com/op
-
eds/despite
-
gops
-
pessimism
-
party
-
may
-
yet
-
field
-
a
-
winner
-
in
-
08
-
white
-
house
-
race
-
2007
-
05
-
22.html


Unpopular president.
The president’s approval ratings have been unusually poor for almost two years
. Since mid
-
2005, they have
moved within a comparativ
ely narrow 29
-
36 percent band in mainstream surveys. There are few parallels for such an abysmal
rating during a second presidential term, when (with the obvious exception of former President Richard Nixon) the occupant of

the
White House tends to become m
ore personally popular at the same time that he becomes less politically effective.
Furthermore,
even Bush’s personal pollsters seem to expect that his ratings will remain at this low ebb for the rest of the year and into
2008
.
If
he cannot achieve at leas
t a 45 percent approval rating by next year, then the president will remain a liability for his party’s
electoral prospects
.


Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

21

IL


McCain tied to Bush



Voters associate McCain with Bush policies


especially independents

White House Bulletin 7/3/08

“Rep
ublicans Urge McCain To Define Himself Before Obama Launches Attacks,” l/n


Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama may be drawing criticism for flip
-
flopping on some major issues, such as federal
policy on eavesdropping and taking public financing
for his presidential campaign, but some Republican strategists see a larger
picture, and are worried about it. "What he's doing is fundamentally seizing the middle," says a GOP insider who has advised
several presidential candidates in the past. On the oth
er hand, Republican candidate John McCain is sending mixed messages
--

supporting Bush policies, such as calling for offshore drilling, one day, and distancing himself form Bush policies, such as
on
global warming, the next. Acknowledging such criticism, G
OP strategists are heartened by the promotion of McCain confidant
Steve Schmidt to take over the management of the campaign. They see this as a signal the McCain finally understands what's
wrong and has assigned Schmidt, a tough
-
minded operative who has a
record of electoral success behind him, to fix things. The
insider adds that McCain can't simply replay Bush's 2004 strategy of appealing almost totally to the GOP base. "John McCain c
an't
win just with Republican votes
--

he needs new voters, independents
, and Democratic votes," he says. "He needs to be like the
John McCain of 2000. He needs to be the reformer. He needs to be the maverick again and stop pretending he likes George Bush.
"
McCain's GOP critics point to a new Gallup Poll showing the 68 per cen
t of Americans are concerned that McCain would pursue
policies that are too close to those of Bush, and 67 per cent of independents share those concerns
.



McCain won’t be able to distance himself from Bush

Christian Science Monitor 7/1/08

“Obama, McCain
campaigns go global,” l/n


McCain's trip this week to Colombia and Mexico is likely to be a lower
-
key affair than Obama's foreign travels. On Tuesday and
Wednesday, the Arizona senator will be in Cartagena, Colombia, meeting with President Alvaro Uribe to
discuss trade and
narcotics. Democrats in Congress are holding up a free
-
trade pact with Colombia that has come to symbolize growing opposition
among American workers to a range of free
-
trade pacts, including the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)
. On
Thursday, McCain will meet with Mexican president Felipe Calderon to discuss bilateral cooperation in the fight against drug
cartels.
McCain is not expected to do or say anything that would depart from Bush administration policy, even as he tries to
d
istance himself from an unpopular president
.


Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

22

Obama key to Soft Power



An Obama victory is vital to restoring American Soft Power

Joseph Nye, 6/12/08,
Distinguished Service Professor and Sultan of Oman Professor of International Relations


Harvard


“Bar
ack Obama and Soft Power,” Huffington Post, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/joseph
-
nye/barack
-
obama
-
and
-
soft
-
pow_b_106717.html


I have spent the past month lecturing in Oxford and traveling in Europe where Barack Obama could be elected in a landslide. I

susp
ect that this fascination with Obama is true in many parts of the world. In fact, as I have said before,
it is difficult to think of
any single act that would do more to restore America's soft power than the election of Obama to the presidency
.
Soft power

is the
ability to obtain the outcomes one wants through attraction rather than using the carrots and sticks of payment or coercion
. As I
describe in my new book The Powers to Lead,
in individuals soft power rests on the skills of emotional intelligence, v
ision, and
communication that Obama possesses in abundance
. In nations, it rests upon culture (where it is attractive to others), values (when
they are applied without hypocrisy), and policies (when they are inclusive and seen as legitimate in the eyes of
others.)
Polls show
that American soft power has declined quite dramatically in much of the world over the past eight years
. Some say this is
structural, and resentment is the price we pay for being the biggest kid on the block. But it matters greatly whe
ther the big kid is
seen as a friend or a bully. In much of the world we have been seen as a bully as a result of the Bush Administration policie
s.
Unfortunately, a President Obama will inherit a number of policy problems such as Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakist
an, Iran and North
Korea where hard power plays a large role. If he drops the ball on any of these issues, they will devour his political capita
l. At the
same time, he will have to be careful not to let this inherited legacy of problems define his presiden
cy. Some time between
November 4 and January 20, he will need to indicate a new tone in foreign policy which shows that we will once again export
hope rather than fear. This could take several forms: announcement of an intent to close Guantanamo; dropping
the term "global
war on terror;" creation of a special bipartisan group to formulate a new policy on climate change; a "listening trip" to Asi
a, and so
forth.
Electing Obama will greatly help restore America's soft power as a nation that can recreate itsel
f
, but the election alone will
not be sufficient. It is not too soon to start thinking about symbols and policies for the days immediately after the electio
n.



Obama key to soft power

Washington Post 7/21/08

“Obama, Foreign Policy Realist,” http://newsw
eek.washingtonpost.com/postglobal/fareed_zakaria/2008/07/obama_foreign_policy_realist.html


In the end, the difference between Obama and McCain might come down to something beyond ideology
--

temperament
.
McCain
is a pessimist about the world
,
seeing it as

a dark, dangerous place where, without the constant and vigorous application of
American force, evil will triumph
.
Obama sees a world that is in many ways going our way
.
As nations develop, they become
more modern and enmeshed in the international economi
c and political system
. To him, countries like Iran and North Korea are
holdouts against the tide of history.
America's job is to push these progressive forces forward, using soft power more than hard,
and to try to get the world's major powers to solve th
e world's major problems
. Call him an Optimistic Realist, or a Realistic
Optimist. But don't call him naive.


Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

23

Soft Power key to Hegemony



Soft Power key to sustaining US leadership


assumes the 21
st

century

NYE 02
former Assistant Secretary of Defen
se and Dean of Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government

(Joseph, “The Paradox of American Power”)


PEERING INTO THE FUTURE The September 2001 wake
-
up call means that Americans are unlikely to slip back into the
complacency that marked t
he first decade after the Cold War. If we respond effectively, it is highly unlikely that terrorists could
destroy American power, but the campaign against terrorism will require a long and sustained effort. At the same time, the Un
ited
States is unlikely
to face a challenge to its preeminence unless it acts so arrogantly that it helps other states to overcome their built
-

in limitations.
The one entity with the capacity to challenge the United States in the near future is the European
Union if it were to b
ecome a tight federation with major military capabilities and if the relations across the
Atlantic were allowed to sour. Such an outcome is possible but would require major changes in Europe and
considerable ineptitude in American policy to bring it about.

Nonetheless, even short of such a challenge,
the
diminished fungibility of military power in a global information age means that Europe is already well
placed to balance the United States on the economic and transnational chessboards. Even short of a mili
tary
balance of power, other countries may be driven to work together to take actions to complicate American
objectives.

Or, as the French critic Dominique Moisi puts it, “
The global age has not changed the fact that nothing in
the world can be done withou
t the United States. And the multiplicity of new actors means that there is very
little the United States can achieve alone
.”73 The United States can learn useful lessons about a strategy of providing
public goods from the history of Pax Britannica. An Au
stralian analyst may be right in her view that if the United States plays its
cards well and acts not as a soloist but as the leader of a concert of nations, “the Pax Americana, in terms of its duration,

might. . .
become more like the Pax Romana than the
Pax Britannica:’74 If so,
our soft power will play a major role
. As Henry
Kissinger has argued,
the test of history for the United States will be whether we can turn our current
predominant power into international consensus and our own principles into wid
ely accepted international
norms.

That was the greatness achieved by Rome and Britain in their times.75



United States leadership is solely dependent on Soft power

FRASER 03

doctorate in political science from
Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris
,

former
Editor
-
in
-
Chief of
National Post


(Matthew, ,
p. 18, “Weapons of Mass Distraction: Soft Power and American Empire”).


Let's begin with soft power. The term has been championed by Joseph S. Nye, a Harvard professor who served as Assistant
Secretary of Defense under President Bill Clinton. Nye has defi
ned soft power as "the ability to achieve desired outcomes in
international affairs through attraction rather than coercion." Nye argues, more specifically, that
America's global influence cannot
depend solely on its economic strength, military muscle, and

coercive capacities. Yes, hard power is needed as an implied threat
,
and should be used when necessary

as was demonstrated in Afghanistan and Iraq.
But American leadership in the world must
depend on the assertion of soft power

namely, the global appeal o
f American lifestyles, culture, forms of distraction, norms, and
values. In short, American leadership is more effective when it is morally based. Soft power has the advantage of being much
less
violent than brute force. It can claim, moreover, the not inc
onsequential virtue of being much less costly.
Why keep the peace with
ground troops, aircraft carriers, and inter
-
continental missiles when Big Macs, Coca
-
Cola, and Hollywood blockbusters can help
achieve the same long
-
term goals? Soft power also includes

artistic expression and institutional arrangements

such as travelling
exhibitions and scholarly exchange programs

that help export American models. When foreign students undertake studies in the
United States, they return to their home countries immersed
in American values, attitudes, and modes of thinking.


Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

24

Hegemony Stops Nuclear War


Decline in hegemony will cause great power wars and nuclear exchange

Lieber 05, Professor of Government and International Affairs at Georgetown University


(Robert J., The
American Era: Power and Strategy for the 21st Century, p. 53
-
54)


Withdrawal from foreign commitments might seem to be a means of evading hostility toward the United States, but the
consequences would almost certainly be harmful both to regional stability
and to U.S. national interests
.
Although Europe would
almost certainly not see the return to competitive balancing among regional powers
(i.e., competition and even military
rivalry between France and Germany)

of the

kind that some realist scholars of inte
rnational relations have
predicted,
21

elsewhere the
dangers could increase. In Asia, Japan
,
'louth Korea, and Taiwan would have strong motivation to acquire nuclear
weapons
-

which they have the technological capacity to do quite quickly. Instability and r
egional competition could also escalate,
not only between India and Pakistan, but also in Southeast Asia involv
ing Vietnam, Thailand, Indonesia, and possibly the
Philippines
.
Risks in the Middle East would be likely to increase, with regional competition
among the major countries of the Gulf
region (Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Iraq) as well as Egypt, Syria, and Israel
.

Major regional wars, eventually involving the use of
weapons of mass destruction plus human suffering on a vast scale, floods of refugees, econ
omic disruption, and risk
to
oil supplies are all readily conceivable
. Based on past experience, the United States would almost certainly be drawn back into
these areas, whether to defend friendly states, to cope with a

humanitarian catastrophe, or to
prevent a hostile power
from
dominating an entire region. Steven Peter Rosen has thus fit
tingly observed, "
If the logic of American empire is unappealing, it is
not at all clear that the alternatives are that much more attractive." Similarly, Niall Fergu
son has added that those who dislike
American
predominance ought to bear in mind that the alternative may not
be a world of competing great powers, but one
with no hegemon at
all.

Ferguson's warning may be hyperbolic, but it hints at the perils that

the a
bsence of a dominant power,
"apolarity," could bring "an anarchic new Dark
Age
of wailing empires and religious fanaticism; of endemic plunder and pillage in
the world’s forgotten regions; of economic stagnation and civilization's retreat into a few fortif
ied enclaves."''


Loss of U.S. hegemony would lead to political chaos and nuclear war

Brzezinski 04,

former national security adviser, professor of American foreign policy at Johns Hopkins University's
School of Advanced International Studies, a scholar at

the Center for Strategic and International Studies

( Zbigniew, THE CHOICE: GLOBAL DOMINATION OR GLOBAL LEADERSHIP, , p. 17)


The notion of total national security is now a myth. Total security and total defense in the age of globalization are not att
aina
ble.
The real issue is:

with how much insecurity can America live while promoting its interests in an increasingly interactive,
interdependent world? Insecurity, while uncomfortable, has been the fate of many other nations for centuries. For America the
re

is
no longer a choice: if socially disagreeable, its insecurity has to be politically manageable
.

In reflecting on the security implications of

this new

reality, it is important
to bear in mind the points made earlier.
America
is the world
-
transforming s
ociety, even revolutionary in its subversive impact sovereignty
-
based international politics. At the same
time, America traditional power, unilaterally protective of its own security while sustaining international stability not onl
y for its
own benefit, bu
t for that of
-

the international community as a whole.

The latter task compels U.S. policymakers to concentrate on
the more traditional U.S. role as the linchpin of global stability.

Despite the new realities of global
interdependence and the
mounting preo
ccupation of the internat
ional community with such new global issues as ecology, global
, warming, AIDS, and
poverty, the argument that American power is uniquely central to world peace is supported by a simple hypothetical test:
What
would happen if the U
.S. Congress were to mandate the
prompt retraction of U.S. military power from its three crucial
foreign
deployments

Europe, the Far East, and the Persian Gulf?

Any such U.S. withdrawal would without doubt plunge the world almost immediately into a polit
ically chaotic crisis. In Europe,
there would be a pell
-
mell rush by some to rearm but also to reach a special arrangement with Russia.

In the Far East, war would
probably break out
on the Korean Peninsula while Japan would undertake a crash program of rea
rmament,

including nuclear
weapons. In the Persian Gulf area, Iran would become dominant and would intimidate the adjoining Arab states.


Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

25

McCain will win



The Race is neck
-
and
-
neck


McCain is gaining momentum because of Obama’s flip
-
flopping

New York Su
n 7/16/08

“McCain: A Formidable Rival,” l/n


Something most unlikely is happening in the presidential election
.
All the odds are stacked against John McCain
. By his own
admission he is "as old as dirt" and has "as many scars as Frankenstein." He is not a
great stump speaker, finds it awkward reading
a speech from a teleprompter, and, though charming in person, he does not have great screen presence.

His campaign is in
shambles. Even before his economic adviser Phil Gramm started wagging his finger at Amer
icans feeling the pinch at the gas
pumps, the Arizona senator was finding it hard to get his ducks in a row. If he cannot even sort out his campaign organizatio
n,
what is the chance he will make an effective president?

Mr. McCain was all set to recruit t
he veteran Republican strategist Mike
Murphy, who ran his 2000 campaign, before other members of his staff vetoed the appointment. Being pushed about by your own
subordinates is a bad omen for someone bidding to be the nation's chief executive.

Mr. McCain

also is finding it difficult to focus
on a clear message. What would America be like under his stewardship? No one has any idea. Part of his campaign's failure is
the
lack of a simple phrase that would show where he might be leading us.

And yet
, for all
these shortcomings,
the latest daily
tracking opinion polls from Rasmussen put Mr. McCain neck and neck with the charismatic, articulate, focused, artful, handsom
e,
telegenic, young Barack Obama
. The latest polling in the pivotal state of Florida gives Mr.

McCain a clear lead.

This is not what
is meant to be happening
.
According to bien pensant wisdom
,
2008 is a Democratic year and everything suggests an Obama
victory
.
Change is in the air, the Republicans are pariahs, the president is as popular as a racc
oon in the rafters, and all Mr. Obama
has to do to win is smile and keep his own counsel
.

So how to explain why Mr. McCain is riding high
?
If, as Mr. Obama likes to
suggest, the Arizona senator will merely continue the policies of President Bush, he shoul
d not stand a prayer in November
.
Yet
there he is, laughing and joking as he draws alongside his thrusting young rival
.

As there is little we do not already know about
Mr. McCain, the problem appears to lie with Mr. Obama
.
His shifting stance on key issue
s certainly has driven many of his most
devoted followers to apoplexy
. While even his own Web site has fallen to rebels who think his turn on domestic wiretapping is a
betrayal of everything they stand for, his other "revisions" also have sent up the warni
ng flares.

Most troublesome for liberals is
his change of mind over abortion, capital punishment, and guns. He no longer thinks pregnant women who risk their mental heal
th
if they give birth should be allowed to abort. He now believes that rapists, not ju
st child murderers, should be put to death by the
state. And he welcomed the recent ruling declaring Washington's gun laws unconstitutional as a useful clarification. Would
President Obama appoint a Supreme Court justice bent on overturning Roe v. Wade? It

is not at all clear.

Then there are Mr.
Obama's errors of judgment. His reluctance to push his daughters into the limelight was admirable. You cannot be a good
politician if you are not a good parent. But then he and his wife Michelle had Malia, 10, and
Sasha, 7, parade their girlish charms
on "Access Hollywood" as if they were contestants in a sickening junior beauty queen pageant. Then the following morning Mr.
Obama was full of remorse for exploiting his children in such a crass manner.

He made a simi
lar backward flip over his
opposition to the Iraq war, a stance which, Mrs. Clinton remembers better than most, formed the central plank of his primary
campaign. In those distant days he said Iraq was most certainly not a front against Al Qaeda, he promise
d to bring the troops home
without delay, and he said a permanent American military presence in Iraq was out of the question.

Then he backtracked. The
troops would come home only when it was safe to do so and some American troops would have to remain in I
raq for a long time to
rid the country of Al Qaeda.

What voters appear to be concerned about is not so much Mr. Obama's need to run to the center
.
By
deserting his activists he is, after all, pleasing the majority in the all
-
important center ground
.
What
they are becoming wary of is
what his zig
-
zagging tells us about his character
.
And the more we discover about Mr. Obama, the more we find to dislike
.
All
politicians are vain, but in Mr. Obama there is the same self preening swagger that is evident in Pre
sident Bush
.

The grumpy,
unreconstructed Mr. McCain, meanwhile, is an authentic eccentric, a courageous politician who has, over immigration and the I
raq
War, defied his own party and his president
.
His independence has not made him many friends among con
servatives and
evangelicals, but he is so cussed, he does as he pleases and hang the consequences
.

Mr. McCain is not much good at policy for its
own sake and doesn't take himself too seriously. He is without pomp and likes to crack a joke to make a point,

even when the joke
is a little off color.
His evident strength of character is in stark contrast to Mr. Obama's lust to please, which is why, against the
odds, the Arizona senator is proving a most formidable rival
.


Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

26

McCain will win


McCain will win


ex
perience and Romney

Beehive Standard Weekly 7/20/08

“McCain Reaches Out to Romney to Help Rebuild Faith in the GOP,” http://beehivestandardweekly.com/articles/207/1/Romney
-
as
-
McCain&%2339%3Bs
-
Second
-
Almost
-
a
-
Sure
-
Bet


Obama will win some states in the sou
th

where large cities play host to a large, down
-
trodden black American population,
but
McCain will win the key states of Texas and Florida and will likely attract more than his fair share of mid
-
western states
.
Obama
will loose a few key northern states a
s McCain and Romney have great appeal in normally blue Democratic states
. Consider
Lieberman's strength in the Northeast and Romney's strength in Michigan and Massachussetts.
The strength of the GOP in the
Northeast will surprise many Democrats
.

White, bl
ue collar workers will not support Obama
. Perhaps it is prejudice or perhaps
they are unforgiving of the primary that didn't seem to count their votes on the national stage when they supported Hilary Cl
inton.
In the end, the straight talking McCain and Rom
ney's history in the rust belt will stun Obama fans.

Though Mr. Obama is a rock
star with great fame and popularity, he lacks the respect of the rank
-
and
-
file union membership
. Not that he isn't a polished and
intelligent person, but he lacks experience
in the economy. Jobs and feeding one's own family will be a higher priority for voters
come November.

In the balance, America will sway towards age and experience this year as taking chances with a young lawyer
is not on the national agenda
.
Proven leader
ship, in both the economic and miliatry fronts, will win the day
.


Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

27

Obama win inevitable


Obama victory inevitable


it’s just a question of margin

The Moderate Voice, 7/21/08

“Musings on Barack Obama,” http://themoderatevoice.com/politics/cindy
-
mccain/211
98/musings
-
on
-
barack
-
obama
-
why
-
the
-
only
-
question
-
is
-
what
-
his
-
margin
-
of
-
victory
-
will
-
be/


Even with the election three and a half months out, it’s pretty much a foregone conclusion that

Barack
Obama will be the next
president
.

This is not a particularly ra
sh prediction given that color
-
blind Democrats and Independents and even some
Republicans will far outnumber people who would never vote for an African
-
American, Obama has an enthusiastic base and will
attract a broad cross
-
section of voters, is pretty muc
h in tune with the mainstream on the issues that matter, has long coattails and
is incredibly well organized and financed
.

In contrast, John McCain has a small and unenthusiastic base, is running a lackadaisical
campaign more focused on raising money than

winning votes, has trouble figuring out where he stands on the issues that matter,
has no coattails and is stuck with an albatross known as

George
Bush, whose unpopularity he wears like a bad case of five o’clock
shadow
.

The only question is whether Obam
a will squeak by or win in a walk
, and I believe the margin will have a lot to do with
how successful he is at defining who John McCain is.



Obama will win in a landslide

Washington Post 7/11/08

“Gramm Remark Adds to McCain's Difficulty Addressing the Ec
onomy,” l/n


With most Americans blaming President Bush for their troubles, McCain faced an uphill climb even before his campaign's recent

miscues. Macroeconomic Advisers, a St. Louis
-
based economic forecasting firm, will release a report next week that fa
ctors in
such variables as the growth rate of real disposable income, unemployment rate, real oil price increases, the power of the
incumbent party as well as the impact of party fatigue to forecast the outcome of the election. The result projects a victor
y of more
than 10 percentage points for presumptive Democratic nominee Barack Obama, said Chris P. Varvares, the firm's president. "How

do you define a landslide?" he asked.


Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

28

RPS


unpopular


Past attempts by Congress prove a
federal

RPS is extremely cont
roversial

Ralls, 6



Senior Regulatory Counsel at
the National Rural Electric Cooperative Association

(Mary Ann, Energy Law Journal, “Congress Got it Right: There’s No Need to Mandate Renewable Portfolio Standards,” Vol. 27,
no. 2, p.451, Proquest) // JMP


II. THE ENERGY POLICY ACT OF 2005 DOES NOT INCLUDE A FEDERALLY
-

MANDATED RENEWABLE PORTFOLIO STANDARD

Over the past ten years, Congress has grappled with comprehensive energy legislation.6 The stated purpose of the final bill,
EPAct 2005, was "[t]o ensur
e jobs for our future with secure,
affordable, and reliable energy."7 The Administration strongly supported H.R. 6, saying that it would "benefit consumers by i
ncreasing energy supplies while protecting the environment .
. . . [It would] reduce our depende
nce on foreign sources of oil by increasing the use and diversity of renewable energy sources."8 The Administration noted tha
t the Electricity Title would
promote its objectives of improved reliability and increasing supply.9 But the Administration opposed

any effort to set a national RPS, as "these standards are best left to the States. A
national RPS could raise consumer costs, especially in areas where these resources are less abundant and harder to cultivate
or distribute."10

RPS proponents had attempte
d to include a federal mandate in earlier versions of energy legislation.

11 A RPS, it was argued, would promote
energy efficiency and conservation,12 would enhance our efforts to become less dependent on foreign oil,13 and would provide
consumers with aff
ordable and reliable electricity. 14
These purposes certainly appeared to dovetail with the brief statement of purposes for EPAct 2005. But for all of that,
a federally mandated RPS was
extremely

controversial,

as evidenced by the debates that occurred on
the Senate floor

regarding an amendment to H.R. 6. (S. Amdt. 791). S. Amdt. 791 was the final
attempt to include a RPS; the Senate vote in favor of S. Amdt. 791 was close, 52
-
48.15 Ultimately, however,
the RPS was not included in EPAct '05, mainly due to
s
trong

opposition

in the House.

In S. Amdt. 791, Sen. Bingaman (D
-
NM), Ranking Minority Member of the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee and long
-
time advocate of the RPS, proposed a scaled
federal RPS of up to 10% by 2020 through 2030.16 Overall
, supporters contended that it would provide many benefits, including: reduced dependence on foreign energy sources, a
reduction in the price of natural gas, new jobs, reduced greenhouse gas emissions, and enhanced reliability of the electricit
y grid.17 Op
ponents countered that a national RPS would
amount to a rate increase; in essence it would subsidize certain segments of the energy industry that already benefited from
significant federal subsidies with little capacity to show for it;
and it de facto amou
nted to an unfunded federal mandate.18

Eligible versus ineligible renewable resources presented a
significant

stumbling

block

in the debates.

Proponents of S. Amdt. 791 argued that it
was technology neutral and that while not all regions/states have abunda
nt wind, geothermal, or solar resources, biomass and bio
-
fuels are common across the country and are included in
the list of eligible existing and new renewable energies.19 Opponents considered the scope so inflexible that even if an elec
tric utility were
to meet the renewable requirement of 10% by
generation of power through another form of renewable power or even "green power" such as nuclear energy,20 that utility woul
d still be obligated to generate power or buy renewable
credits to cover an additional
10% to satisfy the federal standard.21 S. Amdt. 791 provided for a State Renewable Energy Account Program (SREAP),22 under wh
ich the Department of
Energy (DOE) would collect money from the sale of renewable energy credits (RECs)23 and civil penalties asses
sed against utilities that fail to obtain the base amount of electricity from
renewable sources.24 The proceeds would be transferred to the states, giving preferences to states that have a disproportiona
tely small amount of renewable capacity and to states

to
improve renewable energy technologies.25 Despite careful language in S. Amdt. 791 that states RPS programs would be undiminis
hed, opponents maintained that the practical effect was
that states would have to replace their existing programs with the fede
ral proposal,26 or else pay what amounted to a new tax and a new rate increase into the SREAP.27 Moreover, they
pointed out that
fuel choices and resource development decisions historically have been within the purview of the states.
28

Lawmakers were also
divided on whether the outcome of the mandate, under S. Amdt. 791, would be cost
-
effective and support reliable delivery of electricity. Supporters argued that the
cost to customers of the mandated RPS would be negligible, and projected significant savings
. Citing data from the Energy Information Administration within the Department of Energy
(EIA), they asserted that the amendment would result in over "68,000 megawatts of renewable generation between 2008 and 2025
. . . . [t]he cost to consumers would be a
bout .18 of a
percent . . . increase in overall energy prices."29 Additionally, over the life of the RPS program (2005 to 2025), EIA statis
tics projected cumulative residential cost savings of $2.5 billion
and $2.9 billion for electricity and natural gas,
respectively, and cumulative savings for all end
-
use sectors of $22.6 billion.30

Opponents

of S. Amdt. 791
vehemently

disagreed

about the cost savings.

They too cited the EIA Letter and calculations, which projected that from 2005 to 2025
the RPS would hav
e "[A] cumulative total cost of the electric power sector [of] about $18 billion . . . ."31 As for the savings to end
-
users, those numbers were predicated upon the
assumption that the price for natural gas would decrease in response to an increased renewab
le market. S. Amdt. 791 was essentially asking ratepayers to assume an additional $18 billion
in costs in the hopes of natural gas prices going down.32

In regard to reliability, S. Amdt. 791 opponents noted that wind power, one of the main renewables, woul
d make an insignificant contribution to the overall power requirements and, thus,
to the goal of providing low
-
cost reliable power.33 They noted that logistically, wind farms are sited where the wind is, in remote areas oftentimes at th
e top of a ridge, wh
ere there is little
if any existing transmission sufficient to transmit the power.34 Furthermore, wind power necessitates that back
-
up coal, natural gas, or nuclear power always be available to avoid
interruption to electric services.35


The plan is
empiri
cally divisive



a federal RPS has been defeated
17 times

in Congress

Barkenbus & Sovacool, 7



*senior research associate at the Vanderbilt Center for Environmental Management Studies and
**
Senior Research Fellow for the Network for New Energy Choices in
New York and Adjunct Assistant Professor at the Virginia
Polytechnic Institute

(Jack N. Barkenbus and Benjamin K. Sovacool, Environment, “
Necessary but insufficient: state renewable portfolio standards and
climate change policies,” July/August, www.encycl
opedia.com/doc/1G1
-
167151846.html) // JMP


In the last 10 years
--
from 1997 to 2006
--
federal bills promoting RPS were introduced in Congress 17 times.

(12) In addition,
102 legislative
proposals dealing with climate change have been introduced from 1997 to
2004.

(13)
All

have

been

beaten

back

by Republican
-
dominated Congresses.

It is safe to say, therefore, that considerable state action in both cases has arisen not because of some judgment that state
-
based action is optimal or preferable but rather because

of the
perceived policy vacuum at the federal level.
A federal
-
scale political philosophy of allowing market forces to determine energy and
environmental policy dates back at least as far as

the presidency of Ronald
Reagan, and it has been reinforced by t
he political power of
Washington, DC
-
based interest groups and trade associations who have a stake in maintaining the status quo
. However, this philosophy and
political structure is not mirrored throughout much of the country, and hence many states have be
come very active in the RPS and climate change arena. And, similarly, many other states
that mirror the philosophy and approach of the federal level remain inactive.


Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

29

RPS


unpopular


Debates over national RPS are empirically divisive

Dr. Sovacool, &
Coo
per, 7



*Senior Research Fellow for the Network for New Energy Choices in New York and Adjunct
Assistant Professor at the Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University in Blacksburg, VA and ** Executive Director of
the
Network for New Energy Choices

(
Benjamin K. Sovacool, also a Research Fellow at the Centre for Asia and Globalization at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public
Policy and Christopher Cooper, Renewing America: The Case for Federal Leadership on a National Renewable Portfolio Standard
(RPS), Ne
twork for New Energy Choices • Report No. 01
-
07, June, 2007,
http://www.newenergychoices.org/dev/uploads/RPS%20Report_Cooper_Sovacool_FINAL_HILL.pdf) // JMP



In a little over the last decade, at least 21 states have passed renewable portfolio standards
(RPS)



laws requiring electricity
suppliers to employ a certain percentage of renewable energy to meet

growing energy demands. In that same time,
Congress has
considered (and rejected) at least 17

different proposals for a national RPS.

Each time a nation
al RPS is debated, opponents argue that a federal mandate will increase

electricity rates and cost utilities billions
of dollars by forcing investments in expensive

renewable technologies.

The Bush Administration officially rejects a national RPS
on the

gr
ounds that it would create “winners and losers” among regions of the country and increase

electricity prices in places
where renewable resources are less abundant or harder to cultivate.



The plan would be unpopular


the coal lobby is buying
immense infl
uence

in Congress

Boston Globe, 8

(Editorial from Loie Hayes, “Green and coal don't exactly mix ,” 6
-
8
-
2008,

www.boston.com/business/articles/2008/06/08/coal_gasification_is_dirty_and_unproven/) // JMP


I wonder if the legislators who think coal gasificat
ion is a green energy source also believed Ronald Reagan when he argued that
ketchup should count as a vegetable in school lunch programs.
"Coal gasification" and "green energy" don't belong together in the
same sentence
,

let alone in legislation that's su
pposed to lessen our dependence on dirty fuels.

State subsidies should not be used to tilt the market toward technologies that tear the tops off mountains, dumps the refuse
into
valleys, and buries toxins in the nation's shrinking fresh water supply. The c
oal lobby

-

and the Big Ag lobby behind the biofuels
boondoggle
-

are already
buying

up

every

politician

within reach!

Legislators should cut these two poison pills from the energy overhaul bill that is otherwise a wonderful breath of fresh air

from
Beacon

Hill.




Plan is unpopular


hundreds of congress people are tied to coal interests

Bloomberg, 8

(Jim Efstathiou Jr., “Rio Tinto Says U.S. Must Spend Billions for Clean
-
Coal Devices,” 6
-
2
-
2008,
www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601081&sid=aKVuoOkwQtkI&ref
er=australia) // JMP


Wind and Solar

``This isn't going to pass this year,'' Ned Helme, president of the utility industry
-
funded Center for Clean Air Policy in
Washington, said at a May 28 press conference.

Doubling the annual research budget to $100 mil
lion for wind energy would provide turbines that supply 20 percent of the nation's
power by 2030, said Liz Salerno, manager of policy analysis for the Washington
-
based American Wind Energy Association. Wind
and solar together now supply just 2.4 percent of

electricity demand.

That would require changing priorities in Congress.
Tax credits for power produced from coal and natural gas totaled $13.7 billion
from 2002 to 2007, versus $2.8 billion for renewable generation,

according to an October 2007 study by
the Government
Accountability Office, Congress's investigative arm.

In the same period the U.S. Energy Department spent $1.4 billion for research on windmills and solar devices, compared with $
3.1
billion on technology to cut emissions from coal.

Coal In
terests

``You've got 150 to 200 members of the U.S. Congress with coal in their district and at the moment only one or two with solar
-
thermal,''

Representative Jay Inslee, a Democrat from Washington, said in a May 15 interview. `
`We have to accommodate so
me
realities.''



Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

30

Wind


unpopular


Funding issues guarantee that passing tax credits will be contentious

San Francisco Chronicle, 8

(Zachary Coile, “Congressional stalemate over renewable energy,” 6
-
18
-
2008,

www.sfgate.com/cgi
-
bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/200
8/06/18/MNVE11ALRM.DTL) // JMP


Even as lawmakers of both parties talk about the need to shift the country toward clean, renewable energy, Congress is in dan
ger
of letting key tax credits that have fueled the growth of wind and solar power expire at the en
d of the year.

The Senate failed for the second time

in a week Tuesday
to pass a bill to help businesses and homeowners switch to renewable
energy. The tax incentives have strong bipartisan support, but they have been
caught

up

in

a

fight

between Democrats

and
Republicans over how to pay for them.

The stalemate is causing jitters among utilities and investors, including Bay Area venture capitalists and companies that are

making billion
-
dollar bets on new technology, solar power plants and manufacturing site
s to build solar panels and wind turbines.
Many projects are being put on hold until Congress acts.

Arno Harris, CEO of Recurrent Energy in San Francisco, which helps finance and operate large
-
scale solar power projects, said his
company is rushing to fini
sh projects before Dec. 31, when the credits expire. Because large solar projects can take six months to
build, the company is delaying new U.S. projects until the credits are renewed.

"It creates a hiccup that is very unfortunate," Harris said.

The stalem
ate is a classic example of how
even

popular

programs

can
fall

victim

to

gridlock

in Washington.

House Democrats, seeking to abide by "pay
-
as
-
you
-
go" budget rules, insist that the tax credits must be paid for by raising revenue
elsewhere. But Senate Republ
icans have balked at every proposal so far to find that money.

The House first passed a measure early last year to extend the renewable energy credits by cutting subsidies to big oil compa
nies.
The oil industry lobbied fiercely,

President
Bush vowed to ve
to it and the Senate blocked it.


Last month, the House approved a bill to extend the credits by delaying an obscure tax break for companies with foreign
operations and closing a tax loophole for hedge fund managers. But Republicans objected to what they c
alled a stealth tax increase,
and the Senate's 52
-
44 vote Tuesday fell short of the 60 votes needed to prevent a filibuster and move the legislation forward.




Passing the tax credit will spark a political firestorm in Congress

Friedman, 8

(Thomas L., NYT
, “Dumb as We Wanna Be,” 4
-
30
-
2008,
www.nytimes.com/2008/04/30/opinion/30friedman.html?_r=1&hp&oref=slogin) // JMP


Are you sitting down?

Few Americans know it, but for almost a year now,
Congress has been bickering over whether and how to renew the invest
ment
tax credit to stimulate investment in solar energy and the production tax credit to encourage investment in wind energy. The
bickering

has

been

so

poisonous

that when Congress passed the 2007 energy bill last December, it failed to extend any stimulus

for wind and solar energy production.
Oil

and

gas

kept

all

their

credits
, but those for wind and solar have been left to expire

this
December. I am not making this up. At a time when we should be throwing everything into clean power innovation, we are
squ
abbling over pennies.



Funding issues for the tax credit empirically causes contentious battles in Congress

Friedman, 8

(Thomas L., NYT, “Dumb as We Wanna Be,” 4
-
30
-
2008,
www.nytimes.com/2008/04/30/opinion/30friedman.html?_r=1&hp&oref=slogin) // JMP


The
Democrats wanted the wind and solar credits to be paid for by taking away tax credits from the oil industry.

President Bush

said he would veto that.
Neither

side

would

back

down
, and Mr. Bush


showing not one iota of leadership


refused to get all
the ad
ults together in a room and work out a compromise.
Stalemate.

Meanwhile, Germany has a 20
-
year solar incentive program;
Japan 12 years. Ours, at best, run two years.



Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

31

Wind


unpopular


Wind energy is empirically politically divisive

Eberhart in 6

MFS Har
vard, JD candidate and senior notes editor of NYU (Robert, New York University Environmental Law
Journal, “Federalism and the String of Offshore Wind Energy Facilities”, Lexis Nexis)


The dilemma facing environmental policymakers concerning wind energy is
perhaps most acute in the debates surrounding the
development of offshore facilities. On one hand, the opportunities for development and the potential environmental benefits a
re
staggering. Government estimates place the national offshore potential
-

not i
ncluding the Gulf of Mexico and the Great Lakes
-

at
approximately 907,000 megawatts (which exceeds the current total installed electrical generation capacity of the United State
s),
and other studies point to additional attractive development opportunities

in the Great Lakes. 5 However,
offshore proposals have
the potential to generate deep public divisions,
which has been aptly illustrated by the Cape Wind project in Nantucket Sound off
of Cape Cod, Massachusetts, the first offshore facility proposed for t
he United States. 6
Despite wind energy's purported
environmental advantages over conventional power plants, Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney and other elected officials have
publicly opposed the project, 7 a local environmental group has spent millions
of dollars fighting the proposal before
administrative agencies and in court, 8 and in late 2004 Congress reportedly almost stopped the project from [*377] obtaini
ng
necessary permits

as part of conference committee negotiations over a defense spending b
ill. 9
Most recently, language in the
House version of a Coast Guard authorization bill reportedly would prohibit development of the project
. 10



PTC and RPS are politically contentious


Sklar 7

(Scott, Lessons from The Political Process: Energy Bill Woe
s, 11/13/7,
http://www.renewableenergyworld.com/rea/news/print?id=50551, AM)



One thing you learn in Washington, D.C., is that
politics is never predictable. After

a
nine year

career
as an aide in the US Senate
and over 25 years as a registered renewable
energy lobbyist, I am still always amazed at the machinations and changes of course in
the legislative arena. This year just typifies the mercurial nature of the legislative process.

As early as November 8th, SEIA reported to its members, "At a press conf
erence this morning, Speaker Pelosi stated that the
House intends to take up and pass an energy bill before the end of next week (11/17) and it will include an energy tax title.
" Four
days later, the

Democratic leadership

in the House and Senate
are seriou
sly considering breaking off the three most contentious
policy issues

of the Energy Bill


vehicle mileage standards (CAFE), renewable energy portfolio standard
(RPS), and

the host of
energy tax incentives (ITC/
PTC).

The leadership has a series of conflict
ing needs within the Democratic Party, adhering to its own imposed "pay as you go" budget
rules, and threats of Presidential vetoes.

On November 9th, Rep. Lee Terry (R
-
Neb.) told reporters that he and Rep. Baron Hill (D
-
Ind.) wrote to Pelosi yesterday "say
ing we will garner our supporters to vote against any energy bill" that doesn't include their fuel
economy legislation (H.R. 2927) that would increase the corporate average fuel economy, or CAFE, standards to 32 miles per
gallon for light trucks and 35 mpg

for passenger cars by 2022.

Speaker Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D
-
Nev.) both support the CAFE increase passed by the Senate in June,
which mandates an increase to 35 mpg overall for the domestic fleet by 2022. In the end, the Democratic

leadership wants to have
one sure piece of legislation that addresses cutting petroleum imports


and vehicle mileage is the way to do just that. In this case,
the Administration does support a modest CAFE package and the big question mark is Democratic E
nergy Committee Chairman
John Dingell who hails from Detroit.



Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

32

SPS


unpopular


The public opposes the plan


irrational fear of microwave power

Shiner 8
, (Linda, “Where the Sun Does Shine: Will space solar power ever be practical?”
http://www.airspacemag.com/space
-
exploration/Sun_Does_Shine.html
, Air & Space Magazine, July 01, 2008)


Perhaps the biggest hurdle facing space solar power is public concern about how low
-
level micr
owave beams will affect animals
and humans. Never mind that the fear remains unfounded. Because of the widespread use of microwaves for communication, the
Federal Communications Commission has established a safety standard for human exposure.

In all propos
ed space power systems,
the expected power density at the edges of the receiving antenna, where people are most likely to be affected, meets the stan
dard.
But explaining this to the public, which hears “microwave” and thinks “oven,” might require a large a
nd costly education
campaign.

Another worry, that
microwave beams could scramble a passing airliner’s avionics or harm passengers, could be
addressed by restricting the airspace around the beams, just as the Federal Aviation Administration restricts the ai
rspace over
nuclear power plants. Space power advocates may find it instructive to study the political struggles of the nuclear power ind
ustry.




SSP is controversial


energy lobbies will fight

Glaser, 08

-

aerospace engineer, vice president at Arthur D.

Little, consulting on consulting projects in aerospace, solar energy,
and materials science (Peter, Ad Astra, Interview, “An energy pioneer looks back”, Spring,
http://www.nss.org/adastra/AdAst
ra
-
SBSP
-
2008.pdf
)


Ad Astra: In light of the growing demand for dwindling hydrocarbons and the dangerous increases of greenhouse gases, do you
think that the world is now primed to seriously consider space
-
based power systems?

Glaser: No, because people

can still get gas for their cars too easily. Those in the top levels of science and government know what
is coming, but the average man on the street will not care unless it impacts his wallet. That is the biggest problem. The bas
ic
approach is unchanged
from my initial concept. We could have built this system 30 years ago. The technology just keeps getting
better.
The design and implementation is a small problem compared to the much larger obstacle of getting people to understand the
potential benefits.
B
uilding such a system could provide cheap and limitless power for the entire planet, yet instead of trying to
find a way to make it work,
most people shrug it off as being too expensive or too difficult
. Of course
existing energy providers
will fight, too.

It only makes sense that

coal and oil lobbies will continue to find plenty of reasons for our representatives in
Congress to reject limitless energy from the sun
.



SSP will be a political firestorm in challenging current energy lobbies

Preble, 06
-

Pre
sident of the Space Solar Power Institute (Darel, “Introduction to the motion to the National Space Society Board
of Directors,” 12/15,
http://www.sspi.gatech.edu/sunsatcorpfaq.pdf
)


Changing our
nation and our world’s baseload energy generation sources to introduce SSP is a massive battle. The current oil,
coal, and gas energy providers, nuclear as well, are not eager to see their baseload investments face competition from SSP
, which
has zero fue
l costs and zero emissions and a billion years of steady supply projected.
This is why SSP has been unfunded since it
was invented in 1968
.
Carter pushed through the SSP reference study in 1979
-
1980, but space transportation costs were far too high, and
they were forced to
plan to use astronauts to bolt it together. This is too dangerous for astronauts outside the protection of the Van Allen Rad
iation Belts. (The Space Station is inside
the Van Allen Belts) People are also too expensive to use for SSP
construction. Telerobotics, the real way to assemble SSP, did not exist in 1979. Now it is used
in heart surgery every day worldwide and for a thousand other uses. (The fossil fuel industry has battled environmentalists
every inch during our struggle to

understand climate change effects. That is their right. Perhaps half the studies are wrong. But half are right.) Most crucia
lly, space transportation costs have stayed
too high because there is no market large enough to support a Reusable Launch Vehicle
fleet. SSP IS just such a massive market. Robert Zubrin mentions this
battle and perspective in “Entering Space”, page 51. He quit space transportation and decided to work on Mars, which has no
possibility of commercialization this
century. This is det
ailed in the Space Transportation chapter on the SSPW website also.

You can’t make an omelet without breaking a few eggs
.



Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

33

Oil Link Turn



Pro
-
Oil policies are vital to republican campaign contributions from Big Oil

Lindsay Renick Mayer, 11/23/07, Repo
rter


Center for Responsive Politics

“Big Oil, Big Influence,” PBS, http://www.pbs.org/now/shows/347/oil
-
politics.html


During his first month in office, President George W.
Bush appointed

Vice President Dick Cheney to head
a task force charged
with deve
loping the country's energy policy
.
The group
, which conducted its meetings in secret,
relied on the recommendations of
Big Oil behemoths

Exxon Mobil, Conoco, Shell Oil, BP America and Chevron.
It would be the first of many moves to come
during the Bush ad
ministration that would position oil and gas companies well ahead of other energy interests with billions of
dollars in subsidies and tax cuts

payback for an industry with strong ties to the administration and plenty of money to contribute
to congressional

and presidential campaigns
.



Campaign contributions will allow McCain to overcome Obama

The Guardian 7/12/08

“Cash pours in for McCain's campaign,” l/n


John
McCain
, the US Republican presidential candidate,
is attracting millions more dollars in fundi
ng than expected, which could
allow him to match

Barack
Obama's donation machine
.

He is on course to raise $400m

(£201m)
for the November election, which
he said would put him roughly level with Obama
. McCain surprised US political pundits by raising $22m

in June, his best showing
since he launched his campaign for the White House early last year.

Obama remains favourite to win the election, with polls
putting him on average five points ahead, but McCain shows increasing signs of making a fight of it in
spite of his lacklustre
campaign so far
.

Obama opted out of a public finance scheme

-

which provides $84.1m in federal funding to cover election
expenses but sets that as a ceiling
-

in expectation of raising hundreds of millions more
.

But he is sufferin
g for several reasons: a
failure to win over the big Democratic fundraisers who bankrolled Hillary Clinton's campaign for the nomination; an unwilling
ness
of supporters to help cancel Clinton's $23m debt; and, to a lesser extent, disillusionment among sect
ions of the party with his shift
from left to centre
.

Obama's campaign team has yet to post its fundraising figures for June. His fundraising has been on a
downward trend: he raised $55m in February, $41m in March, $31m in April and $22m in May. The June
figures are expected to
reverse that trend but fall significantly short of the total needed to meet election budget needs.

Obama's campaign team said
yesterday that a Wall Street Journal report that he had raised $30m in June
-

$20m less than expected
-

w
as "way off the mark". A
spokesman, Dan Pfeiffer, said: "Some in the press still haven't realised that anyone who is talking about numbers doesn't kno
w
what our numbers are."

In addition to what he raises himself, McCain will have access to the funds of t
he cash
-
rich Republican
party
-

about $68m
-

while Obama will have only $3m from the Democratic party
.


Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

34

Bush doesn’t matter



McCain can’t win presidential election on Bush’s coattails

Mark Preston

08
, CNN Political

Editor

CNN, May 27, 2008, p. Lexis


W
hile the event was initially planned to be open to cameras at the Phoenix Convention Center, it's been moved to a private
residence and is now closed to the media. So there
will only be brief pictures of McCain and the president on the media. So there
wi
ll only be brief pictures of McCain and the president on airport tarmac
. MARK PRESTON, CNN POLITICAL EDITOR:
If
John McCain is to win in November, it's not going to be on a Bush coattail.
HENRY
: Democrats already used chummy photos
for ads charging a

McCain victory will amount to a third Bush term.



McCain distancing himself from Bush on numerous important issues

New York Times, June 17, 2008

p. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/06/17/us/politics/17policy.html?pagewanted=1&


On balance,
the McCain camp
aign has sought to emphasize the differences between Mr. McCain and the unpopular Mr. Bush
rather than the similarities. “In the last 10 years, he’s been an independent voice for what he thinks is in his country’s be
st
interest
,” said Mark Salter, one of M
r. McCain’s closest advisers. “
Sometimes it’s brought him into conflict with members of his
party and with the president. The Democrats know that
.”



McCain distancing himself from Bush over environmental issues

New York Times, June 17, 2008

p. http://www
.nytimes.com/2008/06/17/us/politics/17policy.html?pagewanted=1&


Mr.
McCain, who has a mixed record on the environment in the Senate


he has missed votes on toughening fuel economy
standards and has opposed tax breaks meant to encourage alternative energy



has nonetheless tried to highlight what he
considers his stark environmental divide with Mr. Bush. “There is a longstanding, significant, deep, strong difference on thi
s issue
between myself and the administration
,” Mr. McCain said last month.



McCain

distancing himself from Bush’s environmental policies

The New York Times, May 14, 2008


p. Lexis


Senator John
McCain intensified his criticism of President Bush and the administration's environmental polices
on Tuesday, taking
a walk in the cold, rain
-
d
renched foothills of the Cascade Mountains and asserting that
in the effort to stem climate change,
''America can lead and not obstruct.''

At an outdoor news conference in the Cedar River Watershed east of Seattle, Mr. McCain,
the presumptive Republican pr
esidential nominee, declared that
''the president and I have disagreed on this issue for many years
--

it isn't a recent disagreement.''

He added,
''There is a longstanding, significant, deep, strong difference on this issue between myself
and the administ
ration.''
Mr. McCain was on his second day of a trip to the Pacific Northwest, a potential swing region in the
November election,
to promote his plan to slow global warming and appeal to the region's many independent voters who view the
environment as an e
lection issue of critical concern
. Mr.
Bush, who questioned the scientific basis for global warming in his first
term, is deeply unpopular, and Mr. McCain, whom the president endorsed at the White House in March, has been sprinting away
from him this week
.



Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

35

Energy isn’t key to the election



Voters less supportive of policies that cause them to change their lifestyles

Renewable Energy World 08

Lacey, Stephen. "Renewable Energy as a Mainstream Product Choice." Renewable Energy World. 24 Feb. 2008. 25 Jun
e 2008
<http://www.renewableenergyworld.com/rea/news/story?id=51201>.


A growing body of opinion research shows that Americans are concerned about

how
consumption of dirty fossil energies

is impacting
the environment, threatening national security and hind
ering long
-
term economic growth.
But when the time comes for action,
renewable energy and climate change are not yet true priorities for the everyday consumer.

That may point to one of the keys for
marketing renewable energy to the general public:
while ef
ficiency and conservation are very important in the entire energy picture,
many consumers care more about what the product can give them, not take away.

That's because many
consumers see renewable
energy as a major change in lifestyle, not an ordinary prod
uct choice
, say analysts. Until the industry better addresses concerns about
cost, reliability and ease of use, it will simply be easier for Americans not to buy clean energy.
"People will say that they support the
environment, that they support clean ener
gy...but when it comes down to real action it has to be easily accessible, and so people don't
want to make complete tradeoffs," says

Ron
Pernick
,
co
-
founder and principal of Clean Edge
, a clean tech research and publishing
firm.


Americans rank climate c
hange and renewable energy as comparatively unimportant priorities

Renewable Energy World 08


Lacey, Stephen. "Renewable Energy as a Mainstream Product Choice." Renewable Energy World. 24 Feb. 2008. 25 June 2008
<http://www.renewableenergyworld.com/rea/new
s/story?id=51201>.


In a 2007 analysis of 21 opinion polls on American attitudes toward climate change and renewable energy, American Environics
found that there is "widespread agreement that global warming is occurring and that the government should take
action to address the
problem." However, when asked specifically about their priorities for Congress and the President, global warming ranked far b
elow
issues such as the Iraq War, heath care, education and immigration. Another poll from the Pew Research C
enter reported climate
change ranking 20th out of 23 choices.


Energy and environment issues not yet major presidential campaign issues

Environment & Energy Daily, April 15, 2008

p. http://www.eenews.net/tv/transcript/775


As the

three
r
emaining president
ial candidates head into the home stretch of primary season, energy and environment issues have yet
to make a splash in stump speeches and debates, despite the fact that each candidate has vowed to make climate and energy top

priorities
. During today's E&E
TV Event Coverage, the candidates' energy and environment advisers give their positions on the
expansion of coal and nuclear, implementation and funding of alternative energy, and climate policy. Panelists include, Jason

Grumet,
environmental adviser for S
en. Barack Obama (D
-
Ill.), Todd Stern, adviser to Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton (D
-
N.Y.), and James
Woolsey, environmental adviser to Sen. John McCain (R
-
Ariz.).



Energy and environmental issues not being discussed in presidential election

Salt Lake Tribune
, February 2, 2008

p. Lexis


Tony Massaro, political director for the League of Conservation Voters, a Washington, D.C., group that advocates for pro
-
environment policies and candidates, said
the fast
-
paced primary season, coupled with the complexity of th
e issues, has made it
difficult for candidates to discuss energy and the environment in much depth. "In all likelihood, we are not going to see tha
t level
of specificity the people of the West want and deserve

until we have the general election matchup," s
aid Massaro, a longtime
Coloradoan. Frank Maisano, a Washington lobbyist for coal companies, wind
-
power developers and refineries nationwide, said he
is
not surprised that energy and environment has not commanded the kind of attention that Westerners, with

their understandably
nuanced view of the subject, might want
.



Elections Disad




Georgia

Aff & Neg


Novice Packet

36

McCain key to soft power/ Obama isn’t



McCain’s policy would project both hard and soft power

Investor's Business Daily 5/22/08 l/n


Instead of talk,
McCain's policy would project both h
ard and soft power to boost democracy and build the private sector
. He tells
the Castros to empty the political prisons, free the media and legalize labor unions and political parties. He also wants fre
e
elections, which Cuba hasn't seen since 1958. And t
hat was just his carrot.




McCain’s foreign policy has a soft power side as well

New York Times 5/25/08 l/n


McCain's democracy talk has a '' soft power'' side as well as a hard
-
power one
.
His underlying premise is that the United States
has a deep nati
onal
-
security interest in the growth of democracy abroad
. Our strategy of relying on autocrats to protect our
interests in the Middle
East and elsewhere has backfired, he said in his March speech; we should promote democracy abroad
because ''it is the democracies of the world that will provide the pillars upon which we can and must build an enduring peace
.'' In
an effort to change the fa
ce of the Islamic world, he said, ''scholarships will be far more important than smart bombs.''




Obama is too inexperienced when it comes to foreign policy
-

that’s key to soft power

Reza Aslan 12/30/07, assistant professor of creative writing at the Uni
versity of California at Riverside

“ He Could Care Less About Obama's Story,” www.washingtonpost.com/wp
-
dyn/content/article/2007/12/28/AR2007122801899_2.html


Obama may possess all the intuition of a fortuneteller. But as chair of a Senate subcommittee on

Europe, he has never made an
official trip to Western Europe

(except a one
-
day stopover in London in August 2005)
or held a single policy hearing. He's never
faced off with foreign leaders and has no idea what a delicate sparring match diplomacy in the Mi
ddle East can be. And at a time
in which the United States has gone from sole superpower to global pariah in a mere seven years, these things matter
.